National Socialism: A Philosophical Appraisal

Source: National Socialism: Vanguard of The Future – Selected Writings Of Colin Jordan

by Colin Jordan

Several decades after the physical defeat of National Socialist Germany in the outcome of her heroic struggle against the overwhelming array of men and materials marshalled against her by the Bolshevist-democratic alliance, the appearance of this reappraisal reflects the revival of National Socialism which is a feature of the day.

That the creed should live on and manifest itself as it does now, after being subjected to decades of the greatest campaign of defamation which the world has ever known, is a proof of its continuing validity and appeal and its worthiness for the future. It has survived the flames of war and the tempest of vilification because, when war has done its worst and vilification run its entire gamut, National Socialism remains, in the final analysis, synonymous with higher man’s will to survive, his instinct for health and strength, and his desire for beauty in life; and as long as that will, that instinct and that desire remain on this earth, the creed of National Socialism will remain indestructible.

Beyond and behind all the minutiae of political implementation and the particularities of time and place, National Socialism, properly understood, is nothing less than an orientation of the mind, the dominant impulse of which is to live to the full, through the development of one’s potentialities and the satisfaction of one’s needs, under conditions of natural competition and selection, reconciled to cooperation, within the organised community of the folk.

In this its roots go back to Plato’s Greece and his conception of a natural life, consisting in the full realization of man’s true nature through the conducive power of government within his native community.

It echoes the Roman notion of dutiful citizenship: the notion that the good and noble life consists in stoic service to the state.

It revives the blood feelings and sense of community of the Nordic tribes of early Europe: the feeling that man is essentially a member of the folk, and that all members of the folk are bound together closely with reciprocal duties and obligations.

National Socialism, in this way, reaches back to the old, healthy, organic values of life in revolt against the whole structure of thought of liberalism and democracy, with its cash nexus; its excessive individualism; its view of man as a folkless, interchangeable unit of world population; its spiritual justification in a debased Christianity embracing a sickly “humanitarianism”, which will always tolerate a greater harm for the sake of avoiding a lesser one; and its fraudulent contention that the artificially induced and numerically determined wishes of the mass are all-important criteria.

History is a saga of social decay and renewal. National Socialism is the twentieth century’s remedy of renewal for the great degeneration of modern times under the disintegrating, debasing, and emasculating thought and practice which emerged with the disruption of the old medieval order of stability by the developing forces of capitalism and the industrial revolution; flourished under the laissez-faire liberalism of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries; came to a climax under the democracy of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries; and will result in the world triumph of communism by the end of this twentieth century unless National Socialism comes to power in time, over a sufficient area of the globe.

National Socialism, therefore, is immensely more than a transitory political scheme. It is a historic tendency of rebirth: our age’s movement of renaissance, a movement revolutionary in scope and spirit, seeking no compromise with the present order, its pernicious practices, and its false values, but their complete replacement.

As such it is worldwide and it is life-wide. It is worldwide in that, in its essentials, it is valid and vital universally, qualified only by the fact that it is Aryan in its emanation and tradition, and upholds and depends on qualities that are to be found par excellence in the Aryan people.

It is life-wide in that it is not an aspect of life, but the whole of life seen from one aspect. It is an attitude of mind expressible in respect of virtually anything and everything. National Socialism stands relentlessly opposed to every manifestation of ill health, ugliness, and degeneracy in the cultural and spiritual, no less than in the political and economic spheres. In fact, it constitutes a way of life. A man does not call himself a National Socialist as a mere label of intellectual endorsement. He is born with a propensity to National Socialism, his mind aesthetically craving the discernment and fulfillment of a healthy pattern of life, and he not only thinks and feels, but acts as a National Socialist, if he is really and entirely one.

Total in its scope and thought, National Socialism amounts to a philosophy and a faith. It evaluates good and bad, right and wrong, as that which benefits or harms the folk; and, in place of the sentimental debility of the democratic mind, accepts that the end justifies the means, providing the means do not contradict the end. It sets a meaning and purpose of cosmic dimension to life as a personal fulfillment, within the continuity and development of the folk, between germination in the womb out of the bloodline of the folk, and the metamorphosis of the grave, with its physical redistribution to the universe.

The basic criterion and primary value of National Socialism, from which all else springs, is, as Adolf Hitler makes clear in Mein Kampf, its concept of the folk, seen as man’s essential environment and indeed, his extension of personality.

The significance of the folk is, primarily, that of a racial community. It is the ethnical enlargement of the family. Man is not a self-contained unit and an end in himself, as the sages of liberalism and democracy assert. He belongs to his folk. His life, as a part, is interwoven with the life of the whole, not only present, but past and future, for while men come and go the folk lives on, continuous, eternal, providing its members perform their duty to it. Thus, in identifying himself with his folk, man prolongs himself through the multiplicity of his ancestors and his descendants, and thereby attains immortality.

The folk exists in smaller and larger forms, ranging from the family, to the clan, to the tribe, or regional community, thence to the nation, and beyond to the race. In modern times, the conception of the folk has become too largely identified with the nations of the contemporary states. The feeling of kinship and community, which rightly expanded from the tribe and petty kingdom to the modern nation-state, has, however, become far too concentrated at this level. The lower and smaller, but equally important, communities within the nation-state have been disrupted and deprived of vitality, while the expansion of folk consciousness from the level of the nation-state to that of the entire race has been checked. Yet folk feeling, to be wholesomely potent, must flow from its roots through the local and provincial communities to the limits of the race, because the full security and prosperity of the parts can only be found in that of the whole.

Today, and in the future, National Socialism must embody this essential extension of the feeling of kinship and community beyond the bounds of the contemporary nation-state and conventional nationalism, so that the nation-state becomes an intermediate unit in the structure of the folk, and its nationalism and racialism become integrally subordinate to a nationalism of the whole race.

At the same time, the local communities require to be revived, the provincial sub-nations recognized and respected, and peoples subject to an undesired, alien rule given their ethnic freedom by separation.

National Socialism’s belief in the folk as a basic value and its totality of outlook result, figuratively speaking, in thinking with the blood on all questions.

This immediately and inevitably gives rise to the definition of citizenship as a matter of race: only those who are members of the folk are members of the nation, and only those who are members of the nation can be citizens of the state – to paraphrase the fourth of the Twenty-Five Points of Adolf Hitler’s NSDAP.

It also generates the belief that it is necessary not merely to preserve the racial character of the folk, but also, by eugenic measures, to improve the quality of the folk. It is National Socialism’s revolutionary contention that the way of real progress lies in the breeding of better human beings.

Since all citizens are of the same race, they have a transcendent bond of kinship uniting them as blood brothers above all sectional and class differences and personal distinctions. National unity, i.e., cohesion and corporate life in place of the class warfare of Left and Right, is one of the great secondary principles of National Socialism. All occupations and pursuits, all manner of persons and all fields of activity, must be integrated into the corporate life of the community.

The social feeling of oneness must find practical expression in, and in turn be stimulated by, a sincere and profound concern for social and economic justice. Consciousness of kinship and care for the collective good of the folk demand that every citizen must have an equal opportunity to develop and exercise his talents and rise according to his merits; and that every citizen must receive a fair return for his services to the community, and even the simplest worker an assurance of the necessities of life.

Thus we arrive at the socialist element in National Socialism. This is not the Marxist socialism of state ownership of the means of production and distribution, which is the economic over-government of the ant heap and is as objectionable as the predatory individualism of the capitalist system, which is the economic under-government, or anarchy, of the jungle. Instead it is Folk Socialism, or the regulation of private enterprise for the equitable division of its fruits, under equitable conditions. The economic injustices and social evils of capitalism have fostered Marxism, with its pernicious form of public control of the economy, and the alternative to both lies in National Socialism.

The folk ideal, which entails the defense of the race, the unity of the nation, and the welfare of the people, engenders National Socialism’s principle of leadership and an elite in the service of these objectives. Its conception of a natural order is one which not only ordains that men are born in the folk for a life within the folk, but also that they possess hereditary differences of capacity to serve the community.

Accordingly, for the maximum good of all, the superior must lead the inferior. The natural leaders must be selected, established as a hierarchic elite under a supreme leader, and empowered to fulfill their functions.

Unlike liberalism, National Socialism does not regard the directive power of the state as something essentially repressive, but instead as a great, beneficial power of guidance and arbitration, encouragement and protection. It upholds the dictum: “All for the folk and the folk for all.” It sanctions whatever means are necessary, in whatever fields, to ensure that everyone and everything in the community is in harmony with this.

It sees the duty of National Socialist government as the representation of the will of the folk, conceived not as the transitory whim of some democratic mob, but as the higher interest of the community, viewed in historical perspective as a continuity of purpose, embracing not only the general good of the present, but the heritage of the past and the needs of the future as well.


Adolf Hitler – speech at the Ordensburg Sonthofen – 22.11.1937.docx

Allgäu, November 22, 1937

Since in international life there are only natural, sober interests, it should be based neither on gratitude nor on family connections. Family connections were as useless in preserving Prussia and Austria from war as they were for Germany and England.

In Europe, we have more difficult obstacles to overcome than those, for instance, which exist for England-which only [!] needed its naval supremacy to occupy large living spaces with relatively little loss of blood.

Nonetheless: we had Europe once before. We only lost it because our leadership lacked the initiative that would have been necessary to not only maintain our position, on a long-term basis, but also to expand it.

Today a new state is being established, the unique feature of which is that it sees its foundation not in Christianity and not in a concept of state; rather, it places its primary emphasis on the self-contained Volksgemeinschaft.

Hence it is significant that the “Germanic Empire of the German Nation” now puts this supremely capable concept of the future into practice, merciless against all adversaries, against all religious fragmentation, against all fragmentation into parties.

If we regard our German history in a very extensive sense from our most dim and distant past up to today, we are the richest Volk in Europe. And if, with utmost tolerance, we allow our great German heroes to march by, all our great leaders of the past, all our great Germanic and German emperors-for they were great without exception-England would have to shrink before us.

It is this unification of the German nation which gives us the moral justification to step before the world with vital demands. The fact is that ultimate justice resides in power. And power, in international life, resides in the self-containment of the nations themselves. Today the German nation has finally been given what it has lacked for centuries, namely, the organization of a leadership of the Volk.


Today we are laying claim to the leadership of the Volk, i.e. we alone are authorized to lead the Volk as such-that means every man and every woman.

The lifelong relationships between the sexes is something we will organize. We shall form the child!

We are giving you unconditional freedom in your teachings and in your views on what God is. For we are well aware that we ourselves know nothing of these things.

Yet let one thing be quite clear: the Churches may determine the fate of the German being in the next world, but in this world the German nation, by way of its leaders, is determining the fate of the German being. Only if there is such a clear and clear-cut division can life be made bearable in a time of transition.

At the bottom of our hearts, we National Socialists are religious. For the space of many millenniums, a uniform concept of God did not exist. Yet it is the most brilliant and most sublime notion of mankind, that which distinguishes him most from animals, that he not only views a phenomenon from without, but always poses the question of why and how.

This entire world, a world so clear-cut in its external manifestation, is just as unclear to us in its purpose. And here mankind has bowed down in humility before the conviction that it is confronted by an incredible power, an Omnipotence, which is so incredible and so deep that we men are unable to fathom it. That is a good thing! For it can serve to comfort people in bad times; it avoids that superficiality and sense of superiority that misleads man to believe that he-but a tiny bacillus on this earth, in this universe-rules the world, and that he lays down the laws of Nature which he can at best but study. It is, therefore, our desire that our Volk remains humble and truly believes in a God.

Hence an immeasurably large scope is given for the Churches, and thus they should be tolerant of one another! God did not create our Volk that it be torn apart by priests. This is why it is necessary to ensure its unity by a system of leadership. That is the task of the NSDAP. It is to comprise that order which, beyond the limits of time and man, is to guarantee the stability of the German development of opinion and hence of the political leadership.

The NSDAP is the largest organization the world has ever seen. All counted, it encompasses a total of twenty-five million people and has 300,000 functionaries. It is quite obvious that an organization that is only eighteen years beyond its founding cannot be the same as it would be after one hundred years.

Yet the important thing is that we equip it with the law according to which it came to power and which it shall retain. Here we have established the basic rule of absolute obedience and absolute authority. Just as the Army-the weapon- cannot prevail without this law of the absolute authority of each and every superior to those below him and his absolute responsibility to those above, neither can the political leadership of this weapon prevail. For what is gained by the weapon is ultimately subject to political administration, and what the political administration wants, the weapon is to procure. The leadership of the Volk in former times, the Church, also recognized only this one law of life: blind obedience and absolute authority.

Old Germany was overthrown because it did not possess this zealous blind will, did not have this confidence and this serenity. New Germany will be victorious because it integrates these virtues and at present has already integrated them in an extremely difficult struggle. I know quite well that this is independent of the individual. I know quite well that, were anything to happen to me today, the next one would take my place and continue in the same fashion, just as zealously; because that, too, is part of this Movement.

Just as it is not possible to instantly turn a political bourgeois association into a fighting group of heroes, it will be equally impossible to ever turn this Movement, which was built up from the very beginning on courage and initiative, into a bourgeois association.

That is also the future task above all of these schools: to conduct this test of courage over and over again, to break with the opinion that only the soldier must be brave. Whoever is a political leader is always a soldier, too! And whoever lacks bravery cannot be a soldier. He must be prepared for action at all times. In the beginning, courage had to be the basic prerequisite for someone to find his way to the Party-and it really was, otherwise no one came.

Today we have to install artificial obstacles, artificial trenches over which the person has to jump. That is where he now has to prove whether he is brave.

Because if he is not brave, he is of no use to us.

With Knight’s Cross and Combat Boots as Guests of Honour in Berlin

Published in „Siegrunen“ Magazine – Vol. 6, No. 3, Number 33,
January – March 1984

Waffen SS front soldiers are visiting Reichsminister Dr. Goebbels in Berlin

In early 1943 our division, the 3rd SS Panzer Div. “Totenkopf,” was situated around Belgorod to the north of Kharkov. In the middle of March, I was summoned to the battalion command post. Our commander. SS-Sturmbannführer Max Seela, told me: ‘‘You are to report to the divisional HQ at 10:00 tomorrow; there you will receive your papers and will travel together with another four men to Berlin!” I stared at him in surprise like a squirrel and the CO and his adjutant, Obersturmführer Wolf, laughed.

The next day began with a ride in a motorcycle sidecar to the divisional HQ. There I, as a representative of the SS Engineer Bn. 3, joined Hstuf. Masairie, the CO of the recce detachment, an Oberscharführer from SS-Pz.Gr.Rgt. 5 and a Hauptscharführer from the artillery regiment, for a conclave of Demyansk veterans in Berlin. Somewhat later a fifth man joined up with us. He was large and slender, with Knight’s Cross and combat boots, and full of drive and energy. It was our Unterschar- führer Hans Hirning from SS-Pz.Gr.Rgt. 6, who had been awarded the Knight’s Cross as a Rottenführer during his time in the Demyansk pocket.

We attempted to find an airplane that was going to Germany so that we could get there faster. At the Kharkov airfield we had some luck. A Lieutenant who had flown “Junkers” into Demyansk packed us into his machine and took us first to Dnepropetrovsk. I was happy, as were the others, to get out of that plane. The Lieutenant flew like the devil heading down: we often just missed brushing the treetops. We flew on to Lemberg and Breslau in our old “Ju.” In Berlin we reported in to the garrison commander. There we got our leave passes in hand and we were allowed to go home. After 14 days we all got back together and reported into the hotel “Russian Manor” in Berlin.

Here the gathering of “Demyansk fighters” was held. Each division that had served there had sent 5 or 6 men for a total of 50 to 60 men. A Major Benzin led this delegation. We were guests of honour of the city of Berlin. Arrangements for the course of our stay were handled by the city and the propaganda ministry.

Hans Hirning and 1 shared a room. The elevator was much used and appreciated. During breakfast we each charted a “plan of action” for visits and excursions during our allotted time here. In these 14 days in Berlin we visited all the sightseeing spots, many theatres and review shows, the Berlin Zoo and other places. Each time we went into a theatre or a show the director, before the performance began, would come out on the stage and greet us in this way: “Today we are especially honoured to have in our midst, guests of honour of the city of Berlin and the Reich Propaganda Ministry; permit me to introduce the “fighters’ from the cauldron at Demyansk . . . etc., etc.” The crowd would applaud and we would stand up to acknowledge their recognition.

We also visited the Reich National Memorial and the factory in which the new “Panther” tanks were being made. We toured the avenues towards Potsdam in two busses, visiting, among other things, the Sanssouci Palace, the Garrison Church, the City Palace,- and the grave of Friedrich the Great. In a boathouse on the Havel we stopped for coffee and the well-known bandmaster Herms Niels of the RAD (Labour Service) led a concert for us.

Hans Hirning was noticed everywhere we went since it was a curiosity to see an Unterscharführer with the Knight’s Cross. He kept getting asked: “How did you get that decoration?” And he always answered: “I had good luck.” Unfortunately his luck would run out shortly before the end of the war.

We were then guests of the Mayor of Berlin in the city hall. The Mayor wore a “Pour le mérite” (“Blue Max”), and gave us a speech. The Waffen-SS general Kurt Knoblauch, formerly the chief-of-staff of our division, was also in attendance. He was happy to speak with us and learn about what had been happening with the division. Then lunch began.

We were surprised at the enormous table. It was built in a U-shape and had on it the best porcelain and heavy silverware as well as a sea of flowers, liquor, wine and wine glasses. Many guests besides us were served. The General sat next to a private, and highly ranked guests were found next to NCOs. The waiters passed before and behind us, continually bringing and serving food. After the meal some artist-entertainers who sang and danced appeared. It was beautifully simple; everything was very sincere and open and there was no forced merriment.

Then came the day in which we went to the Reich Propaganda Ministry. On the first floor we entered a huge lobby. There were massive curtains on the windows as well as tapestries and parquet flooring. In our combat and riding boots we felt as though we were walking on ice. After a while the door opened and in came our large and energetic former divisional commander (my former regimental CO), Max Simon. He had heard that the Demyansk “fighters” were here including a few from the “T”- Division. At the time he had been staying in a Berlin hospital. It made us very happy to see him.

Representatives of each different division presented a war report of their combat activities in the Demyansk pocket and a proposal was made for a “Demyansk Shield” decoration. This was the hour when the “Demyansk Shield” originated Later on every soldier who fought in the Demyansk cauldron would wear this decoration on the upper left sleeve.

Next we received yet another leave pass for 14 days, which each man was to spend in his hometown. Then the longest and most beautiful leave we were ever going to get came to an end. Trains and airplanes took us back to our old bunch near Kharkov.

— A Former Member of the SS-“Totenkopf” Division