Master-class colourization by Julia Koterias!
Master-class colourization by Julia Koterias!
The following 88-page booklet published by the government of the Third Reich contains Adolf Hitler’s speech to the German people concerning his decision to declare war against the Soviet Union, and the official diplomatic message sent to the Soviets, outlining in great detail their crimes and plots against Germany, which violated the terms of the mutual Non-Aggression Pact. These violations are documented and a number of secret intelligence reports provided to Hitler which formed the basis of his decision to declare war on Stalin are also included in this must-read booklet.
This document shows clearly the true, legal basis concerning the war against the USSR in 1941, which support and justify the actions of Adolf Hitler, who had obviously been deceived and betrayed by the treacherous, double-dealing war monger Stalin. Hitler adopted the only attitude and course of action which a responsible German leader and representative of European culture and civilization could take.
Hitler’s intentions, from the time he first came to power in 1933 had always been peaceful and his actions honorable. He had always worked towards these objectives in good faith and with great patience. It was the WWI western allies and their international financial masters who wanted war all along and who would settle for nothing less, and who preferred to back a well-known murderous beast, namely Joseph Stalin, and to have the bloody horrors of Bolshevism be poured out upon European soil, than to have peaceful coexistence with a strong, free, independent and prosperous Germany.
Hitler and his Axis nation partners realized in 1941 that they had to now face this very real threat to Western Europe head on, as Stalin had been planning to attack all along, when Germany had her hands full on the western front. Hitler’s declaration of war was legally and morally justified by any reasonable standard of international warfare and justice, and only a multi-national effort could hope to prevent the Bolshevik takeover of all of Europe.
– Romanian Troops Parade in Bucharest;
– Captain Topp’s U-boat Returns to Port after Sinking 7 Allied Freighters;
– German and Finnish Troops in Action on the Murmansk Front;
– After Heavy fighting Kerch in the Crimea Captured by German Troops;
Source: SS Leitheft, February 1944
The harder this war affects the European folks, the greater the energies which it awakens in these folks and sets into motion. Outmoded government ideas disappear under the impact of this war as if they never existed. The artificial assortment of states of the Versailles Treaty is crushed, and under suffering and tears a new era is born. We ourselves are only a wave in the flood which is setting the folks of Europe in motion. The ideas of race and socialism are shaking the folks of Europe and pushing them to new forms of state life. Under the impact of the Bolshevik drive of expansion and the meanness of the enemy’s bombing attacks the folks of Europe are being irresistibly drawn closer together, and a feeling of community is emerging which never existed before in the past times of the only apparent prosperity in Europe. It would be wrong to compare the condition of Europe with the one it found itself in when the French Revolution and Napoleon shook the states and folks. Back then the waves of a revolutionary flood struck an outdated Europe lacking an idea under the leadership of the reactionary Chancellor Metternich and destroyed the untenable and hollow system of a European state jumble under Austrian leadership. Today’s Europe does not find itself in a condition of the mere preservation and defence of the past. In that it has become conscious of its Germanic tradition, it breaks outmoded state borders and brings folks together. The old world is represented by the enemy in the west and in the east. Capitalism and Marxism are only the sick tips of the outmoded conception of the purpose of life and of the value of man. The New Europe is carried by the energy of the revolutionary idea of socialism and race. It thus finds itself simultaneously in a condition of defence and attack: attack, because it opposes a sick and outdated world with a better one. The socialism is not only a domestic program of the Reich, which strives for a human order on the basis of accomplishment, but also contains – viewed beyond the state – the program of a New Order of the European folks on the basis of the free development of their folkish values and on the basis of their historical accomplishment.
The Power of the Reich Idea
In the ranks of the Waffen-SS today fight Dutchmen, Flemings, Walloons, Scandinavians, Estonians and Latvians, and soon other folks will dress their awakened youth in the same uniform and thus form the European Front under the SS symbol, which has been born from the need of this hour and forms the foundation of a coming order in Europe. Whoever may have had doubts about the strength of the idea is corrected when he today meets Dutchmen or Estonians in the Waffen-SS, who are more fanatical and determined champions of the Reich idea than many Germans inside the Reich. Thereby we meet the recognition that the service of these men in the east is the steel bath of the Reich idea. The men who have fought over there with the Reich German SS against the Bolsheviks have cast everything behind, all the prejudices that still hamper their contemporaries who have not shared the unique, difficult front experience. In the struggle against our most difficult opponent, the Reich idea in all its radiant beauty is reborn. A European feeling of community is emerging which no longer knows the hesitations of the politicians stuck in the old state theories. These European volunteer SS leaders and SS men are the vanguard of the European front. They love their homeland, and because they love this homeland and are loyal to it deep down, they want as a prize of war a new world, organized by a strong Reich which alone is able to save their homeland and protect the living body of their folk. Certainly, these men are minorities in their folks. World history, however, is always made by the few men who have the courage to dare the new. The hesitations follow only later. One must page through the family history of one such volunteer in order to feel how powerful the idea of the Reich affects this youth. There is, for example, a Fleming. He fights in the ranks of the Waffen-SS. His father is a high-ranking Belgian colonial administrator and now stands in English service; his grandfather was a member of the Belgian parliament, a fanatical representative of French culture against the Flemish opposition of his own homeland. The grandson embraces the Reich and Adolf Hitler. What a break in eras declares itself! What a strong attraction is possessed by the personality of the Führer! How powerful do the blood and the Reich idea speak, that the young men of these folks declare themselves ready to die for this Reich, from which their ancestors have lived apart for decades, yes for centuries!
The European Task of the SS
The SS is hence growing more and more into its European task: It gathers the awakened European youth in the struggle against Bolshevism and the Jewish plutocracies. Whoever may think that the SS hence forfeits its original character or deviates from the strict principles of the Reich has no understanding of the revolutionary idea of National Socialism, which sweeps across the borders of nation states. No one in Europe today believes, regardless of how the war may end, in the return of the artificial state system of Versailles, which owes its existence solely to the English interference in European affairs. It is understandable that through the impact of this war the veneer of a historical development, which often has only lasted a few decades, is wiped away and now the common roots of the European family of folks again comes to light. The fact of the Germanic wandering and the former Germanic settlement between the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea to the Atlantic Ocean and North Africa has formed the blood unity of Europe and created that which we call European culture. The New Order of these folks arises on this same foundation. America and England have no genuine program for a political New Order of the European continent. They view Europe already today only as a colony, which they intend to economically exploit. Bolshevism has just as little to offer Europe in ideas. Marxism recognizes no real folk, just as little as it can accept the concept of blood into its dictionary. National Socialism alone affirms the roots of each genuine folk. It knows that only he who is loyal to his homeland can be loyal to the Reich. The revolutionary socialism of Adolf Hitler means for Europe not only a regulation of the relations of the European folk to each other on the basis of their historical accomplishment and their participation in the present struggle. From the world view of this movement alone emerges the creative strength and the rich fullness of possible bonds of the folks and nations of Europe to the leadership of a strong Reich. One must clearly see that an inner and outer order of Europe can only stem from the depth of the National Socialist view of history. The SS already today forms the iron ring of those men who yearn with passionate hearts for the New Order of Europe under the leadership of a strong Germanic middle. Without the participation of these men the new cannot emerge. It is as if our continent is shaken by a high fever; it is the birth pain of a new era, which wants to arise from the foundation of the blood community of the European family of folks and of a socialist order of their life together.
Whatever path fate may lead us down toward this goal and whatever setbacks may still be in store for us, the goal itself remains fixed. It is the only goal for which it is at all worth living and fighting for. The SS knows that everything must be employed so that the comrades from the European East grow together with it into a community of struggle just like those from the west. Intelligent treatment, a great measure of ability must be used to achieve this goal. The SS remains uncompromising in its principles, in the accomplishment of its practical tasks creative and generous. It must be flexible enough to treat each folk according to its nature and history. It must be our task to form the European youth together into a hard and determined front. The western enemy is not ready to die for a higher world, because he does not recognize it. The enemy in the east has only brought the folks suppression and degradation. If there are inalienable human values, then they are defended by the front of the German army. On our side stands a new idea. To our side must eventually tip the scale of fate, if we remain hard and conscious of the entire historical responsibility of this struggle.
By Prof. Dr. H.C. Emil Schlee
The public discussion about the compensation of former concentration camp inmates and forced laborers is not only characterized by covering up facts and raising legends and horror stories to reality. It is far more marked by a partiality and one-sidedness which can hardly be surpassed. As is customary, it is also here again overlooked, that the German people, which has had to pay the bill over the past five decades for the so-called reparation, has itself suffered far more under the unjust treatment by the victors and their Allies. Described below is the injustice of the internationally illegal deportation and forced labor of millions of German men, women and children – uncorrected and not even publicly recognized as such – and a minimal restitution for this injustice is calculated.
|German Prisoners of War in:|
|Of these in the East||3,349,000|
|Of these in the West||7,745,000|
|(Without interned civilians)|
Winfried Martini began the introduction of his informative book Der Sieger schreibt die Geschichte (The Victor Writes the History) with the sentence:
“It is part of the fascinating phenomena of our time, to what extent a military defeat influences the historiography and the general awareness of history and how the victor is spared from moral judgments.”
This experience belonged in the 20th century to the everyday life of the Germans. A century, which was not “The German century” according to Prof. Eberhard Jäckel, but as Prof. Arnulf Baring correctly questions:
“Was our century not coined by the rise of the United States to finally become the only world power? […] However one likes to twist and turn it: […] it was not at all ours, neither in good nor in bad.”
But, united in “evil,” an anti-German coalition was created subsequent to the time of the resignation of Otto von Bismarck in 1890, perceived secretly, with an unsurpassable destructive intent and goal, to break up the German Reich of Bismarck, to destroy the German people for all time, and to remove the German economic competition from the world for good. In order to achieve this goal, every means was right.
The central figure of this century with a universal mission was the long serving American President Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1882–1945), who was acting minister of the navy from 1913–1920, and President of the United States of America from 1933–1945, and who had great influence during the times of both world wars. He organized the largest war machinery in world history, which rolled over the 20th century during two World Wars (also called the “Third Thirty Year War”), regardless whether the rest of the world desired this or not. His troops are still in Germany at the beginning of this 21st century, the Federal republic of Germany is still loaded with numerous dictates, and the victor writes the history.
The latter overloads all Germans with clear one-sidedness of guilt and debt, demands and payments, including compensation for forced labor done in Germany in large numbers, demanded or sued for in courts. Scientific reviews of the prehistory and the actual evolvement of world events during the twentieth century show that it is untenable to place on Germany the exclusive war guilt with all the demands and legal violations resulting from it.
|POW Camps for Germans in:|
|USA (in Germany)||463|
|British camps in Germany||160|
Besides the fact that the saying “the first victim during a war is always the truth” remained unfortunately as true for Germany after the end of the war as it is today, the general concealment of their own guilt by the victorious powers in connection with the ongoing cynical-hypocritical blaming of Germany indicates an abyss of human failure, which cannot be a base for a peaceful future and will sooner or later be caught up by the historic truth! The German poet and playwright Friedrich Hebbel (1813–1863) noted rightly in the first volume of his well known Tagebücher?
“There is only one sin, which can be committed against the whole of mankind with all its generations, and this is the falsification of history!”
From hundreds of testimonies, documents, and scientific works, which attest against the sole guilt of Germany for both World Wars, only two are mentioned here. The U.S. historian Prof. H.E. Barnes noted with regards to the question of war guilt of the First World War:
“Of all warring powers Germany was the only one which carries no blame at all for the beginning of the war.”
And the Polish States Secretary of the Foreign Ministry, Count Szembek, said on April 11, 1935, to U.S. ambassador W.C. Bullitt:
“We are witnessing an aggressive policy of the world against Hitler, more than an aggressive policy of Hitler against the world.”
The former Foreign Secretary Henry J. Kissinger also revealed in Die Welt am Sonntag on March 1, 1992:
“America waged war [on Germany] twice within the period of only one generation, because the American presidents were convinced that the dominance of a single hostile nation in Europe would be a threat against the American security and economical interests. Nothing has changed of this reality.”
In an interview with the Berliner Zeitung on January 3, 1997, author Gore Vidal, a cousin of former U.S. vice president Al Gore, explained frankly:
“We started in 1945 to conquer the globe. NATO was not established to protect the poor Europeans from the Russians, but to obtain total control over Western Europe.”
Today, Germany is still without a peace treaty, and it feels the burden and provocation of this restraint! This situation also explains the continuous demands for compensation from all over the world against Germany, which herself does not oppose this at all.
|Number of Days of Imprisonment of German POWs and Deported Civilians|
|Year||In Eastern Internment||In Western Internment|
Contrary to the subject “Forced Labor in the Third Reich,” there are hardly any investigations about “Forced Labor of German POWs and Civilian Internees in Foreign Countries” (see the tables).
It is shocking to observe the one-sidedness, with which topics like war guilt, the German Wehrmacht, plans for world domination, and now also the subject of “Forced Labor and Compensation” are dealt with. It is conspicuous to observe the missing attempt to view the specific topic of “forced labor” in a contemporary frame in the sense of similar events in almost all countries, which participated in the war. The starting point is always the claim that Germany is exclusively guilty for everything, even though this has been refuted for quite some time now. Most historians have still not noticed major changes of the historiography on the world wars.
The army of German forced laborers of almost twelve million German soldiers and 1.7 million deported German civilians in twenty different countries, sometimes with forced stays of more than ten years in these countries, appears to them to be no subject at all. They talk about one of the biggest Nazi crimes, of which reparations have not yet been made, “although already during the Nuremberg trials one of the four main charges was ‘slave labor’.” But nobody seems to notice that the judges of these tribunals come from countries, where such “biggest crimes” were unfolding simultaneously.
|Number of Work Days of German POWs and Deported Civilians 1941–1956|
|Year||In Eastern Internment||In Western Internment||Total|
Or take Prof. Dr. Ulrich Herbert (Freiburg, Germany), who, in a full page essay with the title “The Million Army of the Modern Slave State. Deported, worn out, forgotten: Who were the forced laborers of the Third Reich, and what was the fate ahead of them?” writes thoughtlessly:
“The National Socialist deployment of foreigners between 1939 and 1945 is the biggest case of forced mass utilization of foreign labor in history since the end of slavery in the nineteenth century. By the late summer of 1944, 7.6 million foreign civilian workers and POWs were officially registered as employees within the area of the ‘Großdeutsche Reich,’ who were mostly brought into the Reich by force.”
This article gives the impression that the “slave state of the Soviet Union” did not exist at all, where Siberia from the Ural Mountains to the Bering Strait became a gigantic international cemetery of the dead from more than 28 nations. Also during the time in question, from 1939 to 1945 and until 1956, the “Soviet foreign employment,” which included the German POWs and civilian deportees, continuously “employed” a two-digit million number. These slaves had to perform their slave labor in more than 2,000 work and death camps, partly under the most primitive living and camp conditions (e.g.Workuta).
There were still more than 20 million forced laborers in the fall of 1955. After the war, the “people’s democracies” of the east reached a record high in deportation for forced labor. Secret Soviet orders existed to arrest, for example, 27,000 Germans who were able to work below ground in the area of communist East Germany and to exchange them for German POWs who were no longer able to work in the Soviet Union.
|Destruction of Health: German Returnees Unable to Work|
|Country detained in||Date of Return||No. of Returnees||% unemployable||Transit or Discharge Camp|
|Great Britain||1948 Mar-Nov||11,499||0||Hammelberg|
|Soviet Union||1946 Aug||24,126||66||Friedland|
Of the Western powers it was especially France, which employed German POWs against the international laws for forced labor. Thousands of Germans perished or suffered horrible mutilations in French captivity while clearing mines.
The real gain from reparations did not come from Germany’s industrial installations, noted the US newsmagazine Life, “but from the German brain and the German research results.” Scientists were partly “forced with point blank pistols or with threats of war crime trials” to work for the victors. There were 523 German scientists in the USA in 1947; their number was to be increased to 1000.
The whole forced labor after the war, which amounts to at least 90 percent of the work shown here, was an infringement of international law unprecedented in scale in the history of mankind. To this day, the forced labor issue has unfortunately not been completely evaluated by any German public authority. It is here for the first time correctly displayed from an economic point of view.
|Days of Forced Labor Imprisonment|
|(A) POWs||3,502,452,000 (3.5 billion)|
|Performed by 11.094 million POWs – in eastern countries 3.349 million POWs – in western countries 7.745 million POWs. Of these, 1.5 million died while in captivity, of these 1.335 million in eastern countries. In total, every seventh POW died while in captivity. Two of five prisoners died in the east in death camps. The last prisoners returned home from the Soviet Union in 1956, eleven years after the end of the war!|
|(B) Civilian Deportees||3,805,000,000 (3.8 billion)|
|Performed by 1.7 million Germans deported in 1945. Of these, 580,000 died up until 1950 in eastern death camps every third deportee.|
|Total of Forced Labor Days||7,307,452,000 (7.3 billion)|
|Hours Worked||73,074,520,000 hrs (73 billion)|
|The prisoners had to work at least ten hours per day, which resulted in the above number of performed forced labor hours.|
|Cost of Labor:||$365,372,600,000 (365 billion U.S. Dollars)|
|This compensation for forced labor is derived using the 1999 U.S. hourly minimum wage of $5.|
This amount is practically unimaginable. For comparison: All companies with more than 20 employees of German industry during 1985 with a total of 4,769,000 employees, performed 7,910,100,000 (7.9 billion) working hours. The total of all wages for this was 167.559 billion deutschmarks or roughly $56 billion U.S. Dollars (the median hourly wage was app. 21 deutschmarks or $7).
The German forced laborers, POWs, and civilian deportees had to produce therefore almost ten times the yearly output in 1985 of all the workers of the West German industry!
The forced labor of the civilian deportees from the Soviet occupied areas of the German Reich proper and Austria could not be determined. There were more than 100,000 Germans who were deported for political reasons and who were almost without exception murdered during imprisonment. The same goes for the more than 100,000 people, who were held in Russian concentration camps of the Soviet occupied zone. The German media reported during a visit of former head of State of communist Germany Erich Honecker in West Germany that in Buchenwald concentration camp alone 80,000 prisoners were murdered after 1945 by the Soviets or their German communist lackeys. A total of more than ten percent of the German population had to perform forced labor for years against all international laws.
First published in Deutsche Militärzeitschrift, Nr. 18, 1999, pp. 21–26; pictures: Archive Prof. E. Schlee.
|||W. Martini, Der Sieger schreibt die Geschichte. Anmerkungen zur Zeitgeschichte, Munich 1991, p. 10.|
|||E. Jäckel, Das deutsche Jahrhundert. Eine historische Bilanz, Stuttgart 1996; similar also Chr. Graf v. Krockow, Die Deutschen in ihrem Jahrhundert 1890–1990, rororo-Sachbuch 9195, Reinbek 1991.|
|||A. Baring, Wem gehört das Jahrhundert?, book review of E. Jäkkel, Das deutsche Jahrhundert, op. cit. (note 2), in: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Jan. 29, 1997, p. 12.|
|||See D. Bavendamm, Roosevelts Krieg 1937–45 und das Rätsel von Pearl Harbor, Munich, Berlin 1993; D. Kunert, Ein Weltkrieg wird programmiert. Hitler, Roosevelt, Stalin: Die Vorgeschichte des 2. Weltkriegs nach Primärquellen, Kiel 1984; C. B. Dall, Amerikas Kriegspolitik. Roosevelt und seine Hintermänner, Tübingen 1972; B. Colby, Roosevelts scheinheiliger Krieg. Amerikas Betrug und Propaganda im Kampf gegen Deutschland, Leoni 1977; H. Fish, Der zerbrochene Mythos, F. D. Roosevelts Kriegspolitik 19331948, Tübingen 1982; E. Schlee, Deutschland und die Kriegsschuldfrage. Die Behauptungen der Alleinkriegsschuld Deutschlands sind überholt, Rosenheim 1999; E. Schlee, Wessen Krieg war es denn nun eigentlich? Eine kleine Kriegsschuldfrage-Dokumentation; in: R. Uhle-Wettler, (Hg,), Wagnis Wahrheit. Historiker in Handschellen? Festschrift für David Irving. Kiel 1998, pp. 97–121.|
|||Ibid; also: E. Schlee, Friedensbemühungen Deutschlands im Zweiten Weltkrieg, in: Deutsche Militärzeitschrift No. 17 (March 1999), pp. 14–19.|
|||U.S. Senator Hiram Johnson; in: M. Baham, Kriegstrommeln. Medien, Krieg u. Politik, Munich 1996, p. 36.|
|||Fr. Hebbel, Tagebücher, vol. I, Vienna 1885; quoted in: K. Peltzer, Das treffende Zitat. Gedankengut aus drei Jahrtausenden und fünf Kontinenten, Thun 1974, p. 259.|
|||Statistisches Bundesamt, in: VdHD e.V. (ed.), Die deutschen Kriegsgefangenen des Zweiten Weltkrieges, Bonn-Bad Godesberg. 1989.|
|||Quoted in: Ztschr. Nation Europa, 5, 1954, p. 4.|
|||Quoted in: E. Maier-Dorn, Alleinkriegsschuld, Großaitingen 1970, p. 149.|
|||H. A. Kissinger, “Die Einigung Europas darf nicht auf Kosten der NATO erfolgen. Die Prämissen, aus denen die Atlantische Allianz ihre Existenzberechtigung ableitet, brechen zusammen,” Welt am Sonntag, no. 9, March 1, 1992, p. 5.|
|||Gore Vidal in an interview with der Berliner Zeitung, no. 2/1997, Jan. 3, 1997.|
|||In: Ruhrwort, 21(23), Juni 9, 1979, p. 3; Was Heimkehrer nie vergessen werden. In Bochums “Dankeskirche” bleibt die Erinnerung wach, Special print, Bistum Essen.|
|||Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung of March 31, 1999, p. 51.|
|||Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, March 16, 1999, p. 54.|
|||D. Friede, Das russische Perpetuum Mobile, Würzburg 1959; see chapter “28 Nationen in den Zwangsarbeitslagern:” “Die Zahl der Sklaven ist achtstellig geworden.” “Die Sklaven-Reservoirs”; of great importance are the 22 documentary volumes of the Wissenschaftlichen Kommission für deutsche Kriegsgefangenengeschichte, from 1957 to 1974, edited under the directorate of Prof. Dr. Erich Maschke: E. Maschke, (ed.), Zur Geschichte der Deutschen Kriegsgefangenen des Zweiten Weltkrieges, Bielefeld 1962; introduction in vol. pp. VII–XX.|
|||D. Friede, ibid., p. 68; see also: St. Courtois, Das Schwarzbuch des Kommunismus. Unterdrückung, Verbrechen und Terror, Munich, Zürich 1998; G. Schirmer, Sachsenhausen – Workuta. Zehn Jahre in den Fängen der Sowjets, Tübingen 1992; P. Carell, G. Böddekker, Die Gefangenen. Leben und Überleben deutscher Soldaten hinter Stacheldraht, Darmstadt 1980; G. Frey, Deutschlands Ausplünderung, Munich 1993; Verband der Heimkehrer, G. Berndt, Die deutschen Kriegsgefangenen des Zweiten Weltkrieges. Ein geschichtlicher Abriß in Fakten, Bonn-Bad Godesberg 1989; Deutsches Rotes Kreuz-Suchdienst (ed.), Zur Geschichte der Kriegsgefangenen im Westen. USA – Großbritannien – Frankreich – Belgien – (Schweden), Bonn 1962; L. Peters, Das Schicksal der deutschen Kriegsgefangenen. Wir haben Euch nicht vergessen!, Tübingen 1995 (I took some illustrations from this for my article, pp. 394, 476); H.H. Meyer, Kriegsgefangene im Kalten Krieg. Die Kriegsgefangenenpolitik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland im amerikanisch-sowjetischen Machtkampf von 1950–1955, Osnabrück 1998.|
|||A.E. Epifanow, H. Mayer, Die Tragödie der deutschen Kriegsgefangenen in Stalingrad von 1942–1956 nach russischen Archivunterlagen, Osnabrück 1996, p. 204.|
|||See G. Frey, op. cit. (note 17), p. 240.|
|||Numbers from: Zur Geschichte der deutschen Kriegsgefangenen des Zweiten Weltkrieges, vol. XV, pp. 191 ff., Verlag Ernst und Werner Gieseking, Bielefeld 1974, and Gerhard Reichling, Die Deutschen Vertriebenen in Zahlen, Kulturstiftung des Deutschen Volkes, Bonn 1986. The statistical data are calculated using reasonable economic methods.|
|||Statistisches Jahrbuch für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1986, p. 178.|
|||Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Sept. 12, 1987.|
|||Karl Baßler, “Die Ausraubung des Deutschen Volkes,” Huttenbriefe, issues 1–3, 1988, Stockstadt.|
– Reichsleiter Alfred Rosenberg receives Farmers from Ukraine, Belorussia, and Russia;
– Fight against Soviet Partisans in the Crimea;
– JU 52 Cargo Planes Ferry Supplies to Forward Units on the Eastern Front;
– U-boat Action in the Atlantic;
June 6, 1937
For us there was the hard choice: either-or! Either relinquishing claim to the remnants of a bad past, remnants that had become as ridiculous as they were harmful-or relinquishing claim to the future of Germany. We would rather relinquish claim to the past and fight for a future! You are standing here in an ancient German city in which a King once erected the Walhalla with the bequest to unite in it all great German men of our history and hence lend expression to the German Volk’s indissoluble bond of blood. We believe that today we have practically accomplished our primary task of creating one Volk; before us stands a goal, and this goal has hypnotized us. It is under the spell of this goal that we march on! Let he who stands in our way not complain if, sooner or later, the march of a nation sweeps over him.
We have not practiced a policy of using cheap popular phrases. We have divested money of its phantom-like traits and assigned to it the role it deserves: neither gold nor foreign exchange funds, but work alone is the foundation for money! There is no such thing as an increase in wages if it does not go hand in hand with an increase in production. This economic insight has enabled us to decimate seven million unemployed to approximately 800,000 and to keep prices almost completely stable for all essential vital goods. Today there is work going on everywhere. The peasant is tilling his fields, the worker is supplying him with manufactured products, an entire nation is working.
Things are looking up!
The German Volk is not a Volk that suddenly starts a war today or tomorrow. The German is not only peaceful and peace-loving in his entire being, but above all peaceable. He wants to work.
In our country, there are millions of peasants who want to till their fields and harvest their crops; millions of workers want to pursue their work. This Volk does not want to quarrel, but it equally does not want others to look for a quarrel with it. It wants only its right to live-though, mind you, it does not stand for insult or attack from just anyone who comes along. And to anyone who believes that, since the German Volk is so peace-loving, he can drop bombs on German ships underway on international assignments, we will demonstrate that we know how to defend ourselves.
It is for the protection of our liberty and hence our honour that we have built up this grand, new German Wehrmacht. German man, you no longer need to bow your head; you once again have equal rights and can walk proudly in this world with your head held high. For you know: no one will touch you without the entire Volk coming to your rescue! This equality of rights also constitutes the single prerequisite for the effectiveness of our immeasurable economic labour: would anyone work at all for an economy if he could not be certain that the fruits of his labours can neither be stolen from him nor reduced? Would anyone give thought to the future of financial projects if he lacked the security only liberty can vest in a Volk? There would be no financial enterprise were not the steel shield of the nation’s armour held above it! If anyone tells us we will not be able to wear it in a short time, may he take note: the German shall wear his steel helmet! In any case as long as the others are able to wear it! Yet should ever the time come when the helmets must truly be removed, we will remove ours, too, with honour-but always be prepared, if necessary, to put them back on our heads immediately. I believe this is absolutely the best way to ultimately promote the cause of peace.
Only a few days ago I was happy to hear from the lips of an English statesman that Great Britain would only be in a position to enforce peace, if a large stock of arms were placed at its disposal. That is also my opinion with respect to Germany.
In scarcely four years, we have dismantled piece by piece the Treaty that was thrust upon us and brought the greatest disgrace upon our Volk; we have liberated the nation and restored to it all the qualities that characterize a free people and a free nation.
I will never allow anyone to ever again tear this Volk asunder, to reduce it to a heap of warring religious camps.
We have gone through enough in German history and need not undergo any more such experiences. They have been the sorriest experiences ever. Once our Volk numbered 18.5 million people; after a thirty years’ war, a mere 3.6 million were left.137 It is my belief that some of those who are dissatisfied with the fact that we have finally created one Volk will attempt to re-establish that situation in Germany, but this attempt, too, will fail: they will never, ever destroy the German Volk and the German Reich.
Generation after generation of our Volk will march on thus in our history, with this banner always in mind, this banner that places us under an obligation to our Volk, its honour, its freedom, and our community-to our truly National Socialist fraternity. They will then consider it only natural that this German Volk takes but the one path Providence has bade it take by giving these people a common language. We, therefore, go our way into the future with the deepest belief in God (Gottglaubigkeit). Would all we have achieved been possible had Providence not helped us? I know that the fruits of human labour are hard-won and transitory if they are not blessed by the Omnipotent (Allmacht). Work such as ours which has received the blessings of the Omnipotent can never again be undone by mere mortals. As long as the pillars of the Movement hold this banner fast in their grip, there is not an enemy alive, no matter how powerful, who will ever be able to wrest it from our grasp.