Plebiscites in National-Socialist Germany

Source: http://en.metapedia.org/wiki/Plebiscites_in_National_Socialist_Germany

Adolf Hitler was not afraid to ask the opinion of the people. In national socialist Germany in case of important political decisions the administration asked the opinion of the people about the decision. On the plebiscites, usually over 90% of the people took part, and most of the voting people agreed with the politics of the national socialist administration. The ballot papers’ text was easily understandable, and one could vote either with yes or with no.

  1. 12 November 1933, Leaving the League of nations. Result: 95.1% yes.
  2. 19-th August 1934, After Hindenburg’s death the chancellor and the president of the German Imperium should be one person. Result: 89.9% yes.
  3. Saar-country, in German Saarland. 13-th of January, 1935, Saarland’s inhabitants 90.8%wanted to join Germany, 8.8% stand alone, 0.4% wanted to join France.
  4. 29-th March 1936, German military presence on the Rhine area, Result: 98.8% yes.
  5. April 10-th 1938 Unification with Austria, Result: Germany 99.01%, Austria 99.73%.
  6. December 2, 1938, Make elections of the Sudeta country, Result: 98.78% yes.

Ballot paper of leaving the league of nations

The National-Socialist Critique of Democracy

Source: https://national-socialist-worldview.blogspot.nl/2010/01/national-socialist-critique-of.html

Democracy or Leadership

Translated by Hadding Scott from the 16th (1940) edition of Hansjoerg Maennel’s Politische Fibel.

Democracy is the doctrine of the equality of all human beings and of the ability of all human beings to govern themselves. (Democracy, Greek = rule by the folk, rule by the masses.)

The starting point of the democratic conception is: “All men are equal.” “Everything that bears a human countenance is equal.” Not only are the peoples equal to each other (this view leads to Internationalism), but even the human beings within a folk are equal. Consequently all have equal rights, even an equal right to participate in the state. “The authority of the state comes from the people.” (Weimar Constitution, Article 1.) – Since direct rule by the people is unworkable, one chooses representative democracy or parliamentary government.

Parliamentarism is the principle of vote by representatives, who make decisions through majority rule. (Parliamentarism, from Lat. parlare = to speak.)

Critique of parliamentary democracy:

  1. It is not true that all men are equal. Human beings are different. The democratic principle, “to each the same,” leads directly to Communism, to the dispossession of the gifted, industrious, and thrifty (precedent: Russia). – Democracy in the modern age started with the French Revolution (1789). “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity” (“Gleichheit, Freiheit, Brüderlichkeit”) were the catchwords that ruled the entire 19th Century. The democratic principle of equality is always an instrument of the Jew for the elimination of the best racial forces. When all have equal rights (das gleiche Recht), the capable and intelligent are thereby forced onto the same level as the corrupt and stupid.
  2. It is not true that the best and most capable emerge from a vote. Usually the greatest shouters, the most irresponsible, are chosen. Whoever promises the most has the greatest prospect of going to parliament. The MPs of the democratic system were in no way the elite of the nation. The principle of vote by popular representatives leads inevitably to the creation of economic or religious special-interest parties. The MPs did not represent the folk community, but mostly a specific class or group. Thereby unitary, goal-conscious state-leadership was made impossible. The bourgeois parties and the Marxist parties on the other side cancelled each other out. The power of the nation was likewise nil and could not be effectively and coherently (geschlossen) utilized abroad. International Jewry, however, tipped the balance on the scale of the parliament. – Democracy is always the reign of the Jewish money-bag; it leads to the most evil corruption.
  3. It is not true that the decisions of a majority are always right and beneficial to the people. On the contrary: by no means are 51 voices against 49 voices necessarily correct. “What is the majority? Majority is nonsense. Understanding has always only been among few. One ought to weigh voices, not count them.” (Schiller, Demetrius.) The individual MP conceals himself behind an anonymous majority. He has “obeyed only his conscience.” Mostly however the “representatives of the people” had no conscience. Parliamentary democracy is irresponsibility elevated to a principle of government. It leads to the elimination of all authority, thus ultimately to the complete ruin of folk and state.

Adolf Hitler: “The Jewish democracy of majority rule was always merely a means to the destruction of the existing Aryan leader-class.”

National-Socialism is the fiercest enemy of parliamentary democracy. In opposition to that, it stands for the principle of Fuehrertum. Fuehrertum is the direction of an organization by one over-towering man. The fuehrer-principle is based on the conception of human inequality. There are the intelligent and the stupid, the industrious and the lazy, the good and the bad. The particular peoples and races are different, and so are the individual human beings within a people. – Every folk comrade is appraised according to his performance for the folk. Valuation according to performance. – The standard of valuation must be the same for every folk comrade. We National-Socialists reject preferential treatment for one class. (Examples: absolutism of the 18th Century; the Weimar System, in which the National-Socialist was a second-class person, while lower humanity could run wild with impunity; English plutocracy).

There is no privilege for any special class; all folk comrades are evaluated equally (Program, Point 9). The result of an equal evaluation of the individual person is however not the same, but different. Here this principle applies: “To each what is appropriate,”* not “To each the same,” as in democracy. He who sacrifices and achieves much ought to stand higher than he who achieves little and sacrifices nothing. The National-Socialist idea of leadership (Fuehrergedanke) is founded upon a deliberate selection according to race (genetic value), character, and ability. Thus a rank-order develops. The entire folk organically arrays itself as a pyramid. The most capable and gifted member of the folk, who has prevailed through his over-towering achievements, stands at the head of the folk: he is the Leader.

(Draw this on the blackboard.)

In democracy the “power of the state” comes from the people. It consists in the rule of the mass. Authority (power to give orders) goes from below to above, while on the other hand, responsibility goes from above to below. Both are, however, unworkable in practice. One cannot command upward and assign accountability downward. (Examples.) Democracy thus leads directly to leaderlessness and irresponsibility. – In Fuehrertum by contrast these principles apply: authority from above to below, responsibility from below to above. The Leader appoints his lieutenants (Unterfuehrer), he gives them their orders and guidelines, and for the execution and success of these they are responsible to the Leader.

The National-Socialist movement is an example of true Fuehrertum. If a political leader or an SA-fuehrer gives an order, this must be carried out. Every follower (Gefolgsmann) can be called to account by his leaders. Because Adolf Hitler built up the NSDAP rigorously according to the fuehrer-principle, the movement inevitably prevailed against the Marxist and bourgeois mobs. – Likewise the German state, which is led by means of strict Fuehrertum, prevails against the neighboring democratic states. Against the democratic idea of the mass we National-Socialists set the idea of personality. Everything great in this world, all inventions and all cultural achievements are created by personalities. (Examples.) – Our Leader has formed a German folk out of disintegrating mass. Democracy is a symptom of decline in dying peoples (e.g. Greece, Rome, etc.) All ascending peoples are, by contrast, always led by significant personalities. – Democratic propaganda flatters the mass. Everyone would rather command than obey. Consequently democracy was beloved and the idea of leadership was often unpopular.

It is a mistake to believe that under the “people’s government” it goes well for the people. On the contrary! Experience has shown that parliamentary democracy leads to the ruin of the people. A people can only experience progress (Aufstieg) when a leader (Fuehrer) stands at its head. Heroes make history!

A true leader feels that he is responsible to his people. Here Adolf Hitler is a shining example. This principle of the responsibility of the Leader to the Nation is designated “Germanic democracy.” With Western parliamentary democracy, which we reject, Germanic democracy has nothing in common.

The fuehrer-principle has meaning only in service to the entire nation. To be leader carries obligations The leader is the leader not because he bears special distinctions but because he bears greater responsibility. Leadership is not a privilege but an exalted duty. To be leader is to be an example!

Adolf Hitler is the ideal leader: purposeful and inexorable, but at the same time tactically astute; industrious, never resting, moreover prudent and far-sighted; proud and righteous, but also modest and unpretentious; energetic and austere, but full of warm love for his people. From the simplest origins our Leader has worked his way up against the most difficult obstacles to become the greatest statesman in German history. We National-Socialists are proud that we are privileged to follow a man such as our Leader. He is a lofty example for us. We emulate him with all our powers.


* Jedem das Seine is still the motto of the German military police.

Gerhard Lauck: Joachim Peiper’s Final Struggle against Communism

Source: http://whiteresister.com/index.php/8-archives/77-gerhard-lauck-joachim-peiper-s-final-struggle-against-communism

Joachim Peiper was born on January 30th, 1915 as the son of an officer’s family in Berlin.

He belonged to the Leibstandarte SS Adolf Hitler. In 1938, he became the adjutant of Reichsführer SS Heinrich Himmler. But as the war started, he wanted to serve at the front line. He commanded the 10th SS Leibstandarte A.H. company in Poland, Holland, Belgium and in France.

In 1941 he fought in Russia with the 3rd Panzergrenadier battalion of the SS Panzergrenadier regiment 2. He replaces the 320th infantry division of General Postel, encircled in Kharkov.

On March 19th 1943 he takes Bielgorod. In September 1943 he is in Italy. In November of the same year he fights for the Reich in Jitomir and with the 1st army breaks through the encirclement at Kamenets Podolsk.

Until October 1944 he fought at the West Front. On December 16th 1944 – under the command of Sepp Dietrich’s 6th Panzer army – he is at the spearhead of the offensive in the Ardennes with his 1st SS Panzer division L.A.H.

He advanced to La Gleize near Stavelot. Cut off from the rest of the army, he was encircled. But he could escape with his men, on foot and in icy cold, leaving back all the war material. Always fighting under Sepp Dietrich’s command, he battled the Soviets until the end, at the west of the Danube near Vienna. The same way in the alps at St. Pollen and Krems where he and his men finally surrendered to the Americans. He made it to SS-Obersturmbannführer and bearer of the Knight’s Cross with Swords.

After Germany’s capitulation this flawless, noble-minded and incredibly brave soldier was imprisoned, beaten and humiliated. He was accused of having ordered the execution of American POWs at Baugnez near Malmedy during the offensive in the Ardennes: Caught by the Kampfgruppe J.P., the captured U.S. soldiers were taken to a meadow to wait there for their transport to the front line. Peiper left back some of his men as guards. He himself drove at the head of his tanks far in front of the following troops to Ligneuville. As most of the Kampfgruppe troops arrived in Baugnez, the troops remained there chatted with their comrades left behind. A Spähwagen had a breakdown and was repaired. Suddenly a soldier sitting on a tank startled and noticed that some of the American prisoners had made use of their inattentiveness and wanted to flee. But a shot fired from his handgun caused panic among the prisoners who were running away in all directions. Submachine guns were used and 21 Americans shot while fleeing.

After the capitulation the men of the 1st SS Panzer division were tracked down and taken to the camp Zuffenhausen. 400 were transferred to the prison of Schwäbisch Hall near Stuttgart. Peiper’s troops consisted of mostly very young soldiers. One was 16, two were 17, eleven were 18 and eight were 19 years old. 22 of the 72 convicts were thereby below the age of 20; all of them were tortured in order to force any confessions. Peiper was an example for his crew, and under his command the team made well. There was never any betrayal among his units. The men were taken to the KZ Dachau where 72 of the 74 accused were convicted at a show trial. One commited suicide, one was Alsatian and was handed over to a French court. 43 – among them Peiper, who was called to account for his men’s actions – were sentenced to death by hanging, 22 to life imprisonment, eight to 20, eleven to ten years of prison. The trial was later newly heard and the sentence to death was replaced by life imprisonment. After eleven years of custody, J. Peiper was released as the last of his comrades in December 1956.

In January 1957 he started to work for Porsche in Frankfurt. Syndicates demanded his dismissal. Afterwards he worked for VW in Stuttgart, but there he was dismissed as well because of leftist agitation. With this he realized that he could not remain any longer in Germany and moved with his family to France. During the offensive in 1940 he had become acquainted with the region around the Langres Plateau and already at that time he loved it as a beautiful and quiet place. He then helped a French POW, a German-friendly nationalist, who had to work in Reutlingen for some relatives of Peiper like a forced labor convict in a garage. But there was a regulation between France and Germany, enabling the release of two French POWs for every voluntary worker willing to work in Germany. On Peiper’s recommendation that man, Gauthier, was allowed to return to his family. He had not forgotten Peiper and as he had to leave Germany in 1957, it was Gauthier who helped him and sold him the watermill of Traves. That building was in bad condition and Peiper did not have the necessary financial means to restore the mill. SS-Obersturmbannführer Erwin Ketelhut has afterwards taken over the water mill and in 1960 Peiper made build a house in Spannplate, high up on the bank of the Saone, hidden by bushes, not to see from the streets and like a military fortification. He had lived there – despite threats and anonymous phone calls – quite peacefully for over sixteen years.

On July 11th 1976 he bought some wire for a kennel in a shop in Vesoul, the capitol of that department. The salesman was an Alsatian: Paul Cacheux, member of the communist party, recognized through his accent that he was German and asked him whether he had been in France during the war. Peiper paid with a check with his name and address on it. Paul Cacheux looked up Peiper’s name in the “brown list” where all wanted Germans were registered. He passed his data over to the Resistance. On June 22nd 1976 the French communist newspaper “L’Humanité” wrote: „What does this Nazi do in France?”. It was demanded to force Peiper to leave France. Flyers showing Peiper as a war criminal and Nazi were distributed to people in Traves. “Peiper, we’ll deliver you a 14 July!” was smeared on walls. July 14th is of course the French national holiday.

The morning of July 13th Peiper sent his wife, suffering from cancer, back to Germany. He himself did not want to leave his house because he expected it to be burned down. His neighbor Ketelhut had suggested to pass the night in the water mill but Peiper rejected that offer. He did not want Ketelhut staying with him either, since he would have shot any attackers. “No”, he said, “It’s been already killed enough.” Joachim Peiper waited on the veranda of his house from where he could observe the Saone river. Erwin Ketelhut had lent him his rifle. At 10:30 pm he heard a noise in the bushes and saw a dozen men climbing up the river bank. He shot in the air to intimidate the drunk intruders. She called him to come outside. He did that and opened the door in order to talk to them.

What happened afterwards can only be told by the culprits. Obersturmbannführer Joachim Peiper’s body was found charred and only one meter in size, he had no hands and feet. He died at about 1:00 am. The house was burned down, the ceiling broken in. What happened between 11:30 pm and 1:00 am? Was the Obersturmbannführer alive when he was mutilated? Was he still alive when he was burned? The culprits had poured gas on the floor, lit with a mixture of petrol and motor oil. Peiper lay in his bedroom, on the left side with his back to the wall, one arm bowed before his chest. Nothing had fallen upon him. He died by the immense heat. The body was not cremated but shrunken.

Erwin Ketelhut and the French having known and liked him shared the opinion that this knightly man, having defied so many dangers, should not have died this way. The murderers had driven with their car over a meadow to the river bank where two barges lay ready. With them they had crossed the Saone and afterwards had to climb up the steep bank through bushes. After the murder they ran the other way back over the meadows, in front of the house, to the street. The firemen searched the river for missing body parts. The French police’s investigation work took six months. The communists from Vesoul and the Resistance members were questioned. Nobody knew anything! Then the case was shelved. Nobody was ever arrested or punished! The area of Traves is not densely populated, there are only about ten inhabitants per square kilometer. Everybody knows everyone there and the people know everything about each other.

The culprits are known to the inhabitants, but the people say nothing. In the night from 13th to 14th July we have a protest vigil for Obersturmbannführer and bearer of the Knight’s Cross Joachim Peiper. The injustice made to him will not remain unpunished! With this cruel death Joachim Peiper has paid his last respects to his people and his homeland.

Gerhard Lauck (NSDAP/AO)