Death in Poland. The Fate of the Ethnic Germans

by Edwin Erich Dwinger

READ THE BOOK HERE:

https://www.wintersonnenwende.com/scriptorium/english/archives/deathinpoland/dp00.html

Translation of “Der Tod in Polen. Die volksdeutsche Passion” by Edwin Erich Dwinger.

Original published by Eugen Diederichs Verlag, Jena, © 1940.

This translation by Heather Clary-Smith, © 2004 The Scriptorium. All rights reserved.

The deportation and expulsion and the mass murder of the ethnic Germans before and at the beginning of the war in Poland was by no means confined to the “Bloody Sunday of Bromberg”, which is only too often downplayed or even denied outright today. In this book the reader experiences almost first-hand the terrible fate of tens of thousands of ethnic Germans in Poland at the outbreak of the war in 1939. This English translation, published here for the first time in 2004, commemorates the 65th anniversary of these events that are an eternal stain on the family bibles of all subsequent Polish generations!

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The SS-Postschutz (Postal Guard)

Published in „Siegrunen“ Magazine – Vol. 7, No. 5, Number 42,
January – March 1987

The SS-Postschutz was a formation of distinctly confused character, part of and yet separate from the Allgemeine and Waffen-SS. Its indistinct status can be blamed to a large extent on bureaucratic and political infighting and the strong wills of Dr. Ing. Ohnesorge, the Minister of Posts and SS-Ogruf. Gottlob Berger, head of the SS Main Personnel Office.

In 1933, the new National-Socialist German government appointed Dr. Ohnesorge as Minister of Posts (Reichspost­minister). Ohnesorge had served as a communications advisor to Gen. Ludendorff in WWI, and was quite an inventor and innovator, holding no fewer than 42 patents for devices of his own creation. One of his first acts upon assuming office was the creation of a voluntary „Postschutzes“ (Postal Guard), to guarantee the security of the mail along with telegram, telephone and radio communications, all of which came under Ohnesorge’s charge. Previously functions of this nature had been carried out in part by the German Railway Service.

Postal Guard members were recruited from among Army veterans who had joined the Postal Service. To handle the military functions of the Guard, some 15 major „protective districts“ were set up throughout Ger­many, each jointly run by a postal official and a protective police (Schutzpolizei) Major. Once this arrangement was in place, Ohnesorge used members of the Guard to help him set up a pet project: a special research bureau in Prague. This bureau was effectively a laboratory where Dr. Ohnesorge carried out his own experiments in listening devices, laser-like light beams, and methods for photo­graphing objects through obstructions like clouds.

Commencing in the autumn of 1935, the Postal Guard developed a working relationship with the Wehrmacht (Reichswehr) and as of 13 March 1936, was structured firmly on military lines and regulations. Adolf Hitler was personally unaware of Ohnesorge’s Postal Guard for some time, and when he finally did learn about it he was mildly amused, stating: „Everyone has to have their own uniform, everyone has to have their own Army!“ Actually, to help train and equip his private army, Ohne­sorge had quietly secured three obsolete paramilitary training schools that had been abandoned when the 100,000 German Army once again began to expand, and he had managed to covertly build up first-class sources of supplies and equipment for his men.

At the outbreak of WWII, the Army High Command (OKW) banned the wearing of all field-gray uniforms by all „non-combatants “, including the Postal and Railroad Guards. The only way to get around this directive was to subordinate the outfit directly to the Army, which indeed happened with the Railroad Guard. Doctor Ohnesorge, however, did not want this intrusion into his own domain, and he resisted this approach and began looking around for support elsewhere. He quickly found out that various police agencies were most eager to take over the Postal Guard, but this posed an ethical problem, since subordination of the Guard to a police agency would compromise the privacy of mails and communications. For this reason, Ohnesorge opposed the police takeover efforts and he was supported in this by Adolf Hitler, who now owed a special debt to him. With the help of his research facilities and Postal Guard, Ohnesorge had developed a special listening post in Holland which was able to eavesdrop on all of the secret Transatlantic tele­phone conversations between Churchill and Roosevelt, the texts of which all reached the Fuehrer within 24 hours via a special Postal Guard courier.

In any event, Dr. Ohnesorge was able to keep the Postal Guard functioning as an independent military force. In 1940 he linked the Guard to the Waffen-SS for support and administrative purposes, while maintaining full control over it. This eliminated the threat of Army or Police takeover. But by 1942, with the war in full swing, it was clear that the Postal Guard had become a „combative force “. While protecting mail busses in frontier areas or occupied territories (South Steiermark, Croatia, South East Prussia, Poland), Guardsmen had increasingly come under terrorist attack with resultant high casualties. It was clear that the military role of the Postal Guard had to be expanded, and among other things, Dr. Ohnesorge wanted Guardsmen to arm and train all postal employees, who voluntarily sought such assistance, so that they would not be vulnerable targets.

In order to assume its increased duties, the Guard had to be reorganized and needed to obtain additional armaments and support services. To achieve this, it had to become a part of the SS organization proper, and Dr. Ohnesorge gave increased jurisdiction over it to Ogruf. Berger at the SS Main Office. In return for more control of the Guard, Berger saw to it that new carbines, machine-pistols, automatic weapons and machine guns were distributed to Guard troops as needed. The Guard also adopted Waffen-SS uniforms and its title was officially changed to SS-Postschutz.

For all that, the exact status of the organization re­mained unclear. Doctor Ohnesorge was still the overall commander, and most of the Guard members never joined any branch of the SS, although quite a few of them were members of the Allgemeine or General SS. To further complicate matters, two sub-units of the Postal Guard were, however, considered official formations of the Waffen-SS on the grounds that they were entirely composed of Postal Guardsmen who had volunteered for duty with the Waffen-SS. These units were:

  1. „Fronthilfe Deutsche Reichspost“ – SS-Kraftfahrstaffel (SS Motor Vehicle Staff).
  2. „SS-Sicherungs-Bataillon Deutsches Reichspost“ (a security battalion with four companies).

SS-Ogruf. Gottlob Berger.

SS-Postschutz (Postal Guard] on parade before the Reich Postminister Wilhelm Ohnesorge.

The „Fronthilfe Deutsche Reichspost“ consisted of Postal Service volunteers who conveyed replacement soldiers and wounded ones to and from the frontlines in postal vehicles, and the Postal Service volunteers who were also members of the Waffen-SS served in their own special unit.

On 14 February 1945, Reichsführer-SS Himmler certi­fied that only members of the above two mentioned sub-units of the Postal Guard came under SS and Police jurisdiction, however, the Postal Guard was considered a „Police Auxiliary for Special Purposes,“ and disciplinary cases could be handled by the SS and Police, although in actuality few, if any, ever were. Towards the end of the war Postal Guard members were simply incorporated into local Volkssturm (Home Guard) units.

It should be noted that on at least one occasion, SS-Ogruf. Berger used his nominal control of the Postal Guard to benefit one of his longtime friends and comrades, Staf. Dr. Oskar Dirlewanger. When Dirlewanger’s SS Penal Rgt. was being reformed in 1944, Berger saw to it that radio communications specialists from the Postal Guard were transferred into it to form a signals unit. Given the poor reputation of Dirlewanger’s Regiment it was probably not an assignment that they relished!

Reich Postminister Ohnesorge with Ogruf. Berger at the ceremony marking the transfer of the Postal Guard to the Waffen-SS.

SS Flak Detachment 16 – 16th SS Division ‘‘Reichsführer-SS”

On 11 September 1942 around 300 officers, NCOs and men from the SS Flak Replacement Detachment in Arolsen were shipped off to Zhitomir where they were to form the SS Flak Detachment of the Command Staff of the Reichsführer-SS (Himmler). This was the largest sendoff of troops from Arolsen since the “Ger­mania” SS Rgt. left the town at the beginning of World War Two. The Flak troops were accompanied to the railroad station by a military band and large numbers of local well-wishers turned out as well. As a final touch, the troop train was decked out in bouquets of flowers.

The rail journey took the SS men through Saxony and Silesia to Cracow in the Generalgovernment, a trip that took five days to accomplish. On 20 September, Zhitomir was reached and the Flak troops were quartered in a barracks that formerly was utilized by Soviet officer cadets. At this time, the command struc­ture of the embryonic unit stood as follows:

Commander: Hstuf. Fend
Adjutants and Ordnance Officers: Ustuf. Stern, Ustuf. Allenstein
Battery Commander: Hstuf. Hieber
Platoon Leaders: Ustuf. Gullasch, Ustuf. Weber

In Zhitomir the unit continued its training and formation process. On 2 November 1942, it was sent by rail back to Rasten­burg in East Prussia, where it was situated in the vicinity of the Führer’s HQ. Extensive weapons drills and infantry train­ing now took place. In December 1942, a “Flak Combat Troop” was formed from the detachment under Hstuf. Hieber and was sent to the Eastern Front for deployment.

In the meantime, 75 NCOs from the Police Escort Battalion “Heinrich” [a Himmler bodyguard unit?], were attached to what was left of the Flak detachment for Flak training purposes. Ustuf. Stern supervised general and heavy Flak training while the light Flak gun training came under Ustuf. Gullasch. Many more Police officers and NCOs were eventually sent to the unit for instruction. Supplementary training was provided by Luft­waffe Flak units stationed in East Prussia.

2./SS Flak Det. 16/“RF-SS” in Corsica.

In January 1943 the nascent detachment was once again transferred, this time to Welhau, East Prussia, which it reached via road and rail. Here, more Waffen-SS recruits from Bruenn and Warsaw were trained. The arming and equipping of the unit was also now fully completed. The Police Flak training course was terminated at the end of February 1943 and the Police troops were given equivalent ranks in the Waffen-SS and simply kept on with the detachment. In the course of February, the unit was broken down into the following elements for future deployment:

  1. SS Flak Detachment Command Staff I/“RF-SS” under Hstuf. Hallman.
  2. SS Flak Detachment Command Staff II/“RF-SS” under Hstuf. Dr. Frank.
  3. Flak unit of the Sturmbrigade (Assigned to the new SS- Sturmbrigade “RF-SS” and later the nucleus for SS Flak Detachment 16 “RF-SS”).

On 28 February 1943, a heavy Flak battery from the desig­nated SS Flak Detachment Command Staff I under Ustuf. Stern was sent by rail to join the Sturmbrigade “RF-SS” in the Loudeac region of western France. On the way there it had a 12-hour stopover in Berlin and the soldiers were let out on leave — “on their honor” — for that period of time.

This battery reported in to the Sturmbrigade commander, Stubaf. Gesele on 8 March 1943 and its quarters were estab­lished in La Cheze. For the Flak troops, infantry training and instruction in the use of their weapons in ground fighting, now went on at a rapid clip. Special commandos were set up to secure the needed supplies and equipment for the Flak detachment and the first halftrack trucks used to pull the Flak guns arrived, which permitted the drivers to begin their training. Hstuf. Dr. Warninghoff soon arrived from the SS Main Office in Berlin to take over the heavy battery and in the course of March it was shifted to the town of La Motte in the same general area.

In May 1943 all members of the Sturmbrigade “RF-SS” took part in marksmanship exercises at the troop training grounds near Rennes, which were reviewed by Gen. Marcks, commander of the 82nd Army Corps. On 20 June 1943 the Sturmbrigade was placed on emergency alert and then mobilized for action. It was rushed by express train through France to Italy, crossing the frontier on the 22nd. The disembarkation area for most of the “RF-SS” Flak detachment was around Massa and Livorno, while the heavy battery was unloaded in the early morning of 22 June in St. Stefano to the south of La Spezia.

“RF-SS” Flak battery being transported in Corsica.

At the beginning of July 1943 the Sturmbrigade “RF-SS” began to expand and as a consequence the Flak unit was also enlarged. The new detachment consisted of three heavy and one light Flak batteries under the overall command of Hstuf. Hieber. One of the heavy Flak batteries was sent to the island of Corsica on 1 July 1943. The men went by air in Ju 52’s from the airfield at Casalecchio while the equipment, supplies and weapons were transported on the ship “Champagne.”

The ”88” gun battery was put into position to the south of Bastia where it maintained contacts with an Italian 7.5 cm medium Flak battery. A second ”88” battery was later sent to Zerubia in the middle of mountainous country, where it proved nearly impossible to deploy for the job required of it. However, on the basis of orders issued by the Italian commandant of Corsica, most elements of the Sturmbirgade were eventually removed from the interior of the island. On 8 August 1943, 2nd Battery was relocated to Bonifacio to cover the harbor on the southern tip of the island and the channel to Sardinia.

The battery’s firing positions were located upon a steep cliff (about 70 meters above the sea), due east of the city. Third Battery, led by Ostuf. Fuersniss, was also now sent to Bonifacio from its initial positions on the Gulf of Portoveccio. The mission of both these heavy Flak batteries was to guard the harbor against sea and air attack and keep open a secure passage for the 90th Panzergrenadier Div. which had to be pulled back from Sardinia to Corsica following the Italian capitulation.

Second Battery/“RF-SS” Flak disarmed three Italian Flak batteries that were located near its positions. From 18 to 20 August 1943, Stubaf. Otto Skorzeny included members of the “RF-SS” Flak Detachment in the planning for his first Musso­lini rescue attempt. However, these plans were scuttled when it was learned that the Duce had been moved by his captors. Skor­zeny then carried out the successful Gran Sasso mission in September.

September 9, 1943 was a memorable day for the Waffen-SS Flak arm. On this day two Italian destroyers fired on the German transport ships that were ferrying members of the 90th Pz.Gr. Div. from Sardinia to Corsica. The gunners from 2./SS Flak “RF-SS” fired back and when the smoke and flames died down on the next day one Italian destroyer and been sunk and the other damaged beyond repair (this one would be scuttled). This unique achievement subsequently received mention in the Wehrmacht war communique.

On 11 September a large number of Italian Air Force planes that were en route to Sicily attempted an overflight of Corsica. The light Flak platoons from 2nd and 3rd Batteries/Flak “RF- SS” opened fire and immediately knocked five of the Italian planes out of the sky and followed up with a sixth one soon afterwards. The other planes of the air wing rapidly dispersed! On 15 September, the “RF-SS” heavy Flak batteries gave up their positions to units coming in from Sardinia. In the morning the entire Sturmbrigade “RF-SS” went into readiness for an attack against the hold-out Italian garrison in Bastia.

Supported by light, vehicle-mounted Flak, assault guns and close support artillery, the two “RF-SS” infantry battalions secured Bastia in a whirlwind assault. Afterwards a defensive perimeter had to be built up around the town as large numbers of Italian troops had been dispersed into the interior of the island. The “RF-SS Flak Detachment deployed a 2-cm battery in the Bastia harbor, a 3.7 cam battery at the airport and its 2nd and3rd Heavy Batteries to the north and south of the city. Several enemy air attacks on the harbor, city and airfield ensued but were driven off.

Late in September the evacuation of Corsica began. Sturm- brigade “RF-SS” was the last German unit to leave, moving out from all of its positions by 4 October 1943. The troop transport ships came under weak enemy air attacks but no damage or losses transpired. Second Battery/“RF-SS” Flak was then sent to Trieste for reformation while the Staff Battery and 1st Battery were moved into billets at Russi near Ravenna. In the course of October, 2nd Battery was sent from Trieste to Imola. On 6 October the superlative performance of the Strumbrigade “RF- SS” under the leadership of Stubaf. Gesele was specifically praised in the Wehrmacht communique.

In November 1943 the “RF-SS” Flak Detachment was sent in a motorized convoy from the east coast of Italy to Teramo and from there through the Apennine Mountains to Tivoli near Rome. Third Battery was assigned to defend a nearby air base for a fighter wing. Late in the month all motorized elements of the Sturmbrigade “RF-SS” were assembled in Rome for a last parade march past the brigade commander before the dissolu­tion of the unit and its conversion into the “RF-SS” Division.

The “RF-SS” Flak batteries were put into position around Bracchiano and were then held in readiness for ground attacks near Cerceteri and Civitavecchio. Following this interval the batteries were transported by rail from Rome to Poncedera and were then situated near Livorno and Viareggio. The American air activity was quite lively here and many planes were shot down.

In December 1943 the entire Sturmbrigade “RF-SS” was transported to Laibach (Slovenia) for transformation into the 16th SS Panzergrenadier Division. The Flak Detachment “RF-SS” was to be utilized as the nucleus for the new SS Flak Det. 16 and the 14th Flak Companies of the 35th and 36th SS Panzergren­adier Regiments. The latter two companies were organized to contain a strength of two officers/36 NCOs/160 men, but each of them frequently exceeded their limits. They were both armed with twelve 2 cm light Flak guns propelled by Italian vehicles.

2 cm Flak in ground fighting.

”88” Flak in ground fighting.

The 14./SS Pz.Gr.Rgt. 35 was commanded by Hstuf. Hipp while 14./SS Pz.Gr.Rgt. 36 had the following command structure:

Commander: Hstuf. Debus
Company Troop Leader: Uscha. Reiss
Platoon Leaders: Ustuf. Schiffman, Oscha. Kuestner, Oscha. Steiblmüller, Ustuf. Hirschfeld, Oscha. Dietz, Oscha. Reiske, Oscha. Boehnke, Ustuf. Schinner

From February 1944 until May 1945 these Flak companies saw continuous ground and air action.

During the first phase of the 16th SS Division’s formation, 1st and 2nd Batteries/SS Flak Det. 16 were placed into firing posi­tions around a key bridge on the outskirts of Laibach which was continuously being threatened by the enemy. They promptly shot down three bombers and the pressure eased up. A 2-cm light Flak battery under Ustuf. Gullasch was attached to the SS Pz.Gr.Rgt. 36 which was sent in battle-group form to the Anzio-Nettuno beachhead in Italy in February 1944. It was promptly involved in heavy fighting.

On 8 March 1944 the rest of the “RF-SS” Flak Detachment was sent via rail to the Wiener Neustadt-Baden area near Vienna, and there the assembled officers were given a briefing on what was expected of them by the divisional commander, Gruf. Max Simon. On 29 March part of the “RF-SS” Division, including the 3rd and 4th Flak Batteries, was sent to Pyspukladeny in Hungary, to continue training.

The entire 16th SS Div. was sent back to Italy on troop trains on 20 May 1944. SS Flak Det. 16 was next deployed in the area east of Livorno and worked in conjunction with the Luftwaffe Flak Det. 264. The SS range finders helped the Luftwaffe gun­ners shoot down several bombers. There was a significant amount of enemy air activity here, mostly directed at the Pisa Bridge. Despite continuous “Thunderbolt” attacks, little damage was sustained by the bridge and the light Flak platoons shot down quite a few planes without taking any losses.

In July 1944 the “RF-SS” Div. was at the Cecina Front, with the SS Recce Det. 16 and the SS Pz.Gr.Rgt. 35 deployed for action in the frontlines. The SS Flak companies remained around Pisa and Massa and provided cover for the “Gothic Line.” Third Battery was used to protect vital factories. A number of “Jabo” attacks on its positions caused little damage and a few planes were brought down.

RF-SS Division emblem.

On 2nd September 1944 an advance detachment from the Flak detachment travelled through partisan country to the new divi­sional sector at San Marcello. Some personnel and material losses were caused by terrorist ambushes. Flak firing posi­tions were then assumed near Poretta Terme with 3rd Battery going to Vergato. The detachment was now deployed along with SS Artillery Rgt. 16 for ground-support action. Numerous losses were taken to a vicious communist band known as the “Stella Rossa” (“Red Star”) Brigade, which was subsequently wiped out by Stubaf. Reder’s SS Recce Det. 16.

In October and November 1944 the Flak detachment guarded numerous sites around Sasso-Marconi and protected another important bridge from “Jabo” attacks. There were also several ground support actions, positional changes and bridge destruc­tion operations for the unit. Part of a Luftwaffe Flak detachment was subordinated to the “RF-SS” Flak during this time.

On 18 December 1944 the “RF-SS” Div. relocated to the Lake Comaccio region and the Flak detachment was sent to Argenta and Conselice. In January 1945, 14./SS Pz.Gr.Rgt. 36 received a consignment of six 7.5 cm anti-tank guns and was converted into the “heavy weapons” company for the regiment. The com­pany’s strength stood at two officers, 40 NCOs and 190 men.

In February 1945 the “RF-SS” Div. was pulled out of the front sector between Ravenna and Ferrara and began a motorized march back to and across the Po River. Enemy airplanes carried out persistent harassing attacks that led to heavy losses in men and material. North of the Po the men of the 16th SS Div. were loaded onto trains bound for Hungary where they would come under the jurisdiction of Sepp Dietrich’s 6th SS Panzer Army. For the benefit of “Allied” intelligence, the “RF-SS” Div. was disguised as the “Formation Staff and Replenishment Group for the 13th SS Division,” during the course of the transfer operation. The division was soon caught up in the bloody retro­grade fighting from Hungary back into Austria along the course of the Mur River.

2 cm self-propelled Flak.

In May 1945, after destroying all heavy weapons and equip­ment, SS Flak Det. 16 marched back through the Klangenfurt- Judenburg area in Austria, headed for the “Allied” lines. It was intercepted in the small village of St. Andra by a partisan group of unknown derivation which proceeded to divest the men of their remaining sidearms. After that the SS men were released and they went into British captivity near Klangenfurt. Part of the unit was then sent to a POW camp in Sicily.

In the course of its history, SS Flak Det. 16 “RF-SS” was credited with shooting down 48 airplanes (Liberators, Light­nings, Thunderbolts and scout planes). It also sunk two de­stroyers, the only Flak element in the German armed forces known to have accomplished that feat! The command structure of SS Flak Det. 16 was as follows:

Commanders: Hstuf. Dr. Warninghoff
Commanders: Hstuf. Hieber
Adjutants: Ostuf. Krasowski
Adjutants: Ostuf. Rieck
Medical Officers: Ostuf. Dr. Vellguth
Medical Officers: Ostuf. Dr. Vetter
Motor Vehicle-Transport Officer: Ustuf. Thennhausen
IVa: Ostuf. Kujath
Staff Battery: Ostuf. Ertl
1st Battery (3.7 cm): Ostuf. Wirges
2nd Battery (8.8 cm): Hstuf. Dr. Warninghoff
2nd Battery (8.8 cm): Ostuf. Vysek
2nd Battery (8.8 cm): Ostuf. Stern
3rd Battery (8.8 cm): Hstuf. Fuerniss
4th Battery (8.8 cm): Ostuf. Lebsanft
Light Artillery Column: Ostuf. Hossfeld

George Lincoln Rockwell – A National Socialist Life

By Dr. William Pierce

On the eighteenth of June, 1945, a little over six weeks after the death of Adolf Hitler, Rudolf Hess wrote the following words in a letter to his wife, from his prison cell:

You will readily imagine how often during the last few weeks my thoughts have turned to the years gone by: to this quarter of a century of history, concentrated for us in one name and full of the most wonderful human experiences. History is not ended. It will sooner or later take up the threads apparently broken off forever and knit them together in a new pattern. The human element is no more and lives only in memory. Very few people have been privileged, as we were, to participate from the very beginning in the growth of a unique personality, through joy and sorrow, hope and trouble, love and hate, and all the manifestations of greatness, and further, in all the little indications of human weakness, without which a man is not truly worthy of love…

Even when one has been privileged to witness the manifestations of greatness, it may be exceedingly difficult to describe adequately in words those manifestations and thereby to paint a true picture of a unique and great personality. When one has not the basis of a quarter-century of participation in the growth of such a personality, but less than two years, the task is especially difficult. It would be a vain hope, then, to expect the pages which follow to reflect the true greatness of the man. That greatness will be best reflected in the fruition of his life’s work in years to come.

Here, however, we can at least hope to evoke an image of the man, imperfect and incomplete though it may be, which will serve to inspire those National Socialists who did not have the privilege of knowing him personally.

GEORGE LINCOLN ROCKWELL was born on March 9, 1918, in Bloomington, a small coal-mining and farming town in central Illinois. Both his parents were theatrical performers. His father, George Lovejoy Rockwell, was a twenty-eight-year-old vaudeville comedian of English and Scotch ancestry. His mother, born Claire Schade, was a young German-French toe-dancer, part of a family dance team. His parents were divorced when he was six years old, and he and a younger brother and sister lived alternately with their mother and their father during the next few years.

The young Rockwell passed the greater part of his boyhood days in Maine, Rhode Island, and New Jersey. His father settled in a small coastal town in Maine, and Rockwell spent his summers there; attending school in Atlantic City and, later, in Providence during the winters. Some of his fondest memories in later years were of summer days spent on the Maine beaches, or hiking in the Maine woods, or exploring the coves and inlets of the Maine coast in his sailboat, which he built himself, starting from an old skiff. Rockwell acquired what was to be a lifelong love of sailing and the sea during those early years spent with his father in Maine.

Aside from a bit more traveling about than the average child, it is difficult to find anything extraordinary in his childhood environment. He lived in the midst neither great poverty nor great wealth; he had an affectionate relationship with both his parents, despite their divorce; he was a sound and healthy child, and there seems to be no evidence of prolonged unhappiness or turmoil in his childhood. If he later recalled with greater pleasure the times spent with his father than those spent with his mother, this can be attributed either to the greater opportunities to satisfy his youthful longing for adventure that life on the Maine coast offered relative to that in the city, or to the fact that his mother lived with a domineering sister of whom young Rockwell was not fond.

And yet, even as a boy he displayed those qualities of character which were later to set him off from the common run of men. His most remarkable quality was his responsiveness to challenge. To tell the boy Rockwell that a thing was impossible, that it simply could not be done, was to awaken in him the irresistible determination to do it. He has described an experience he had at the age of ten which illustrates this aspect of his character.

A juvenile gang of some of the tougher elements at the grammar school he was attending in an Atlantic City coastal suburb had singled him out for hazing. He was informed that he was to be given a cold dunking in the ocean, and that he should relax and submit gracefully, as resistance would be futile. Instead of submitting, he ferociously fought off the entire gang of his attackers on the beach, wildly striking out with his fists and feet, clawing, biting, and gouging until the other boys finally abandoned their aim of throwing him in the water and retire to nurse their wounds.

Later, as a teenager, he found that the challenge of a stormy sea affected him in much the same way as had the challenge of the juvenile gang. When other boys brought their boats into dock because the water was too rough, young Rockwell found his greatest pleasure in sailing. He loved nothing better than to pit his strength and his skill against the wild elements. As the wind and the waves rose so did his spirits Wrestling with tiller and rigging in a tossing boat, drenched with spray and blasted by fierce gusts, he would howl back at the wind in sheer animal joy.

This peculiar stubbornness of his nature-call it a combative spirit, if you will-coupled with an absolute physical fearlessness, which led him into many a dangerous and harebrained escapade as a boy, gave him the willpower as a man to undertake without hesitation ventures at which ordinary men quailed; throughout his life it led him to choose the course of action which his reason and his sensibility told him to be the right course regardless of the course those about him were taking; ultimately it provided the driving force which led him to issue a challenge and stand alone against a whole world, when it became apparent to him that that world was on the wrong course. This trait provides the key to the man.

Two other characteristics he displayed as a boy were an omnivorous curiosity and a stark objectivity. He attributed his curiosity, as well as the artistic talents which he early displayed, to his father, who also exhibited these traits, but the source of his rebellious spirit and his indomitable will is harder to assign. They seem to have been the product of a rare and fortuitous combination of genes, giving rise to a nature markedly different from that of his immediate forebears.

He entered Brown University in the fall of 1938, as a freshman. His major course of study was philosophy, but he was also very interested in the sciences. He used the opportunity of staff work on student periodicals to exercise his talents in drawing and creative writing. In addition to his curricular, journalistic, and artistic activities, he also found time for a substantial amount of skirt chasing and other collegiate sports, including skiing and fencing; he became a member of the Brown University fencing team.

While at Brown he had his first head-on encounter with modern liberalism. He enrolled in a sociology course with the naive expectation that, just as in his geology and psychology courses he would learn the scientific principles underlying those two areas of human knowledge, so in sociology would he learn some of the basic principles underlying human social behavior.

He was disappointed and confused, however, when it gradually became apparent to him that there was a profound difference in the attitudes of sociologists and, say, geologists toward their subjects. Whereas the authors of his geology textbooks were careful to point out there were many things about the history and the structure of the earth which were as yet unknown, or only imperfectly known, it was clear that there were indeed fundamental ideas and well-established facts upon which the science was based and that both his geology professor and the authors of geology textbooks were sincerely interested in presenting these ideas and facts to the student in an orderly manner, with the hope that he would thereby gain a better understanding of the nature of the planet on which he lived.

In sociology, he found the basic principles far more elusive. What was particularly disturbing to him, though, was not so much the complexity of the concepts as the gnawing suspicion the waters had been deliberately muddied. He redoubled his efforts to get to the roots of the subject or, at least, to understand where the hints, innuendoes, and roundabout promptings led: „I buried myself in my sociology books, absolutely determined to find why I was missing the kernel of the thing.“

The equalitarian idea that the manifest differences between the capabilities of individuals and between the evolutionary development of various races can be accounted for almost wholly by contemporary environmental effects-that there really are no inborn differences in quality worth mentioning among human beings-was certainly one of the places his sociology textbooks were leading:

I was bold enough to ask Professor Bucklin if this were the idea, and he turned red in anger. I was told it was impossible to make any generalizations, although all I was asking for was the fundamental idea, if any, of sociology. I began to see that sociology was different from any other course I had ever taken. Certain ideas produced apoplexy in the teacher, particularly the suggestion that perhaps some people were no-good biological slobs from the day they were born. Certain other ideas, although they were never formulated and stated frankly, were fostered and encouraged-and these were always ideas revolving around the total power of environment.

Although he did not clearly recognize it for what it was at that time, young Rockwell had partially uncovered one of the most widely used tactics of the modern liberals. When the clever liberal has as his goal miscegenation, say, he certainly does not just blurt this right out. Instead he will write novels, produce television shows, and film motion pictures which, subtly at first and then more and more boldly, suggest that those who engage in sexual affairs with Negroes are braver, better, more attractive people than those who don’t; and that opposition to miscegenation is a vulgar and loutish perversion, certain evidence of being a ridiculous square at best and a drooling, violent redneck at worst. But if one tries to pin him down and asks him why he is in favor of miscegenation, he will reply in a huff that that is not what he is aiming at at all, but only „justice, or fairness,“ or „better understanding between the races.“

And so when Rockwell naively went right to the heart of the matter in Professor Bucklin’s sociology class, he got an angry reprimand. The racial equalitarians have gotten much bolder in the last thirty years, but at that time Rockwell was merely aware that they wanted him to accept certain ideas without actually those ideas out into the open arena of free discussion where they would be subject to attack:

I still knew little or nothing about communism or its pimping little sister, liberalism, but I could not avoid the steady pressure, everywhere in the University, to accept the ideas of massive human equality and the supremacy of environment.

Typically, this pressure resulted not in acquiescence but in his determination to stand up for what seemed to him to be reasonable and natural. He satirized the equalitarian point of view, not only in his column in the student newspaper, but also in one of his sociology examination papers! The nearly catastrophic consequences of this bit of insolence taught him the prudence of holding his tongue under certain circumstances.

As he began his junior year at Brown, the alien conspiracy to use America as a tool to make the world safe for Jewry was shifting its propaganda machine into high gear. National Socialist Germany was portrayed as a nation of depraved criminals whose goal was the enslavement of the world-including America. Hollywood, the big newspapers, and his liberal professors – always the most noisily vocal action at any university-all pushed the same line, unabashedly appealing to the naive idealism of their audience: „Hitler must be stopped!“

And, like millions of other American patriots, Lincoln Rockwell fell for the smooth lies and the clever swindle, backed as they were by the authority of the head of the American government. Neither he nor his millions of compatriots realized that the conspiracy had reached into the White House, and that its occupant had sold his services to the conspirators:

It is typical of my political naivete of that time that when the propaganda about Hitler began to be pushed upon us in large doses, I swallowed it all, unable even to suspect that somebody might have an interest in all this, and that it might not be the interest of the United States or our people… It became obvious that we would have to get into the war to stop this ‘horrible ogre’ who planned to conquer America so we were told, and so I believed.

Thus, in March, 1941, convinced that America was in mortal danger from „the Nazi aggressors,“ Rockwell left his comfortable life at the university and offered his services to his country’s armed forces. Shortly after enlisting in the United States Navy, he received an appointment as an Aviation Cadet and began flight training at Squantum, Massachusetts. He received his first naval commission, as an ensign, on December 9, 1941 – two days after the Pearl Harbor attack. He served as a naval aviator throughout World War II, advancing from the rank of ensign to lieutenant and winning several decorations. He commanded the naval air support during the American invasion of Guam, in July and August, 1944. He was promoted to lieutenant commander in October, 1945, and shortly thereafter returned to civilian life, where he hoped to make a career for himself as an artist.

While still in the navy, he had married a girl he had known as a student at Brown University. The marriage was not a particularly happy one, although it was destined to last more than ten years.

The first five years after leaving the navy were spent as an art student, a commercial photographer, a painter, an advertising executive, and a publisher, in Maine and in New York. Then in 1950, with the outbreak of war in Korea, Lieutenant Commander Rockwell returned to active duty with the United States Navy and was assigned to train fighter pilots in southern California. There almost by chance, the political education of thirty-two-year-old Lincoln Rockwell began.

It was in 1950 that Senator Joseph McCarthy’s investigations into subversive activities and treasonous behavior on the part of a number of United States government employees and officials began to receive wide public notice. Rockwell, like every honest citizen, was horrified and angered by these disclosures of treachery. But he was puzzled as much as he was shocked by the violent, hysterical, and vicious reaction to these disclosures which came from a certain segment of the population. Why were so many persons-and, especially, so many in the public-opinion-forming media-frantically determined to silence McCarthy and, failing that, to smear and discredit him?

McCarthy was an American with a distinguished record. A war hero, like Rockwell he had entered his country’s armed forces as an enlisted man and emerged as a much-decorated officer. He had won the Distinguished Flying Cross for his combat performance in World War II. Now that he was flushing from cover the rats who had sold out the vital interests of the country for which he had fought, Rockwell could not understand why any responsible and loyal citizen should seek to defame the man or block his courageous efforts:

I began to pay attention, in my spare time, to what it was all about. I read McCarthy speeches and pamphlets and found them factual, instead of the wild nonsense which the papers charged was his stock-in-trade. I became aware of a terrific slant in all the papers against Joe McCarthy, although I still couldn’t imagine why.

At this time an acquaintance gave Rockwell some anti-Communist tracts to read. One of the things he immediately noticed about them was their strongly anti-Semitic tone. Although manifest public evidence obliged him to agree with some of the charges made by the authors of these tracts-for example, that there were extraordinarily disproportionate numbers of Jews both among McCarthy’s attackers and among the subversives his investigations were unearthing-he found many of their claims too far-fetched to be credible. In particular, the charge that communism was a Jewish, not a Russian, movement seemed ridiculous when Rockwell considered the fact that Jews were so firmly entrenched in capitalistic enterprises and always had been; capitalism, supposedly the deadly enemy of communism, was the traditional Jewish sphere of influence.

One anti-Communist tabloid went so far as to cite various items of documentary evidence in support of its seemingly wild claims, and Rockwell decided to call its bluff by looking into this „evidence“ for himself. On his next off-duty day he went to the public library in San Diego, and what he found there changed the course of his life-and will yet change the course of world history. In his own words: „Down there in the dark stacks of the San Diego Public Library, I got my awakening from thirty years of stupid political sleep… “

Rockwell was staggered by the evidence he uncovered in the library; it left no doubt, for instance, that what had been described in his school textbooks as the „Russian“ Revolution was instead a Jewish orgy of genocide against the Russian people. He even found that in their own books and periodicals the Jews boasted more-or-less openly of the fact! In a Jewish biographical reference work entitled Who’s Who in American Jewry he found a number of prominent Bolsheviks proudly listed, although by no stretch of the imagination could they be considered Americans. Among them were Lazar Kaganovitch, the Butcher of the Ukraine, and Leon Trotsky (Lev Bronstein), the bloodthirsty Commissar of the Red Army, who was given credit in the book for liquidating „counter-revolutionary forces“ in Russia.

Another book, written by a prominent „English“ Jew, boasted that „the Jews to a greater degree than . . . any other ethnic group . . . have been the artisans of the Revolution of 1917.“ An estimate was given in the book that „80% of the revolutionaries in Russia were Jews.“

Musty back issues of Jewish newspapers told the same story, and they were backed up by official U.S. government records. One volume of such records, which had been published twenty years previously, contained ministerial reports from Russia of brutal frankness. Typical of the material in these records was the following sentence written by the Dutch diplomatic official, Oudendyk, in a 1918 report to his government from Russia:

I consider that the immediate suppression of Bolshevism is the greatest issue now before the World, not even excluding the war which is still raging, and unless as above stated Bolshevism is nipped in the bud immediately it is bound to spread in one form or another over Europe and the whole world as it is organized and worked by Jews who have no nationality; and whose one object is to destroy for their own ends the existing order of things.

Shocking as were these revelations, Rockwell was even more disturbed by the fact that the general public was oblivious to them. Why were these things not in school history text? Why was he told over and over again by the radio and newspapers and magazines of Adolf Hitler’s „awful crime“ in killing so many Jews, but never told that the Jews in Russia were responsible for the murder of a vastly larger number of Gentiles?

Other questions presented themselves. He had been told that England’s attack on Germany was justified by Hitler’s attack on Poland. But what of the Soviet Union, which had invaded Poland at the same time? Why no English declaration of war against the Soviet Union? Could it be because the government there was in Jewish hands? Who was responsible for the conspiracy of silence on these and other questions? He grimly resolved to find out. And, later, as the facts gradually fitted into place and the whole, sordid picture began to emerge, he saw before him an inescapable obligation.

An honest man, when he becomes aware that some dirty work is afoot in his community, will speak out against it and attempt to rouse his neighbors into doing the same. What if he finds, though, that most of his neighbors do not want to be bothered; that many of his neighbors are already aware of what is afoot but prefer to ignore it because to oppose it might jeopardize their private affairs; that some of his neighbors- some of his ,wealthiest and most influential neighbors, the leaders of the community-are themselves engaged in the dirty work? If he is an ordinary man, he may grumble for a while about such a sorry state of affairs, but he will adapt himself as best he can to it. He will soon see there is nothing to be gained by sticking his neck out, and he will go on about his business.

Human nature being what it is, he will very likely ease his conscience by trying to forget as rapidly as possible what he has learned; perhaps he will even convince himself eventually that there is really nothing wrong after all-that his initial judgement was in error, and that the dirty work was really not dirty work but merely „progress.“ If, on the other hand, he is an extraordinary man with a particularly strong sense of duty, he will continue to oppose what he knows to be wrong and bound to work evil for the community in the long run. He may continue to point out to his neighbors, even after they have made it clear that they are not interested, that the dirty work should be stopped; he may write pamphlets and deliver speeches; he may even run for public office on a „reform“ ticket.

But even so, being a reasonable man and no „extremist,“ he will feel himself obliged to give the malefactors the benefit of the doubt which must surely exist as to their motives. And perhaps their position is, indeed, not wholly wrong? Surely, some sort of reasonable compromise which will be fair to all concerned is the best solution. If the evildoer had been working alone when discovered, hanging would, of course, be the only admissible solution to the problem: a fitting and total repudiation by the community of his evil deeds. But when so many criminals, with so many accomplices, have been engaged for so long in such an extensive undertaking and have already done such profound damage, surely the most reasonable solution must be just to admonish the criminals-if, indeed, it is fair to call them criminals-try to install a few safeguards against their renewed activity – safeguards which, to be sure, would not be too grossly inconsistent with the „progress“ (or was it damage?) already wrought – and then, letting bygones be bygones, try to live with things as they are.

But, it is only one man out of tens of millions – the rare and lonely world-historical figure – who has, first, the objectivity to evaluate such a situation in terms of absolute and timeless standards and, unswayed by popular and contemporary considerations of „reasonableness,“ to draw the ultimate conclusions which those standards dictate; and who then has the strength of will and character to insist that there must be no compromise with evil, that it must be rooted out and utterly destroyed, that right and health and sanity must again prevail, regardless of the commotion and temporary unpleasantness involved in restoring them.

Rockwell had seen the facts. To him, it was unthinkable to attempt to wriggle away from the conclusion they implied. And, as he realized the frightening magnitude of the task before him, instead of attempting to excuse himself from the responsibility which his new knowledge carried with it, he felt rising within him his characteristic response to a seemingly impossible challenge.

It was a straightforward sense of commitment which had led him to volunteer for military service in March, 1941, as soon as he had been tricked into believing that Adolf Hitler was a threat to his country, instead of waiting for Pearl Harbor. And in early 1951, when he began to understand that he had been tricked in 1941 and when he began to see who had tricked him and what they were up to and the terrible damage they had done to his people and were yet planning to do, that same sense of commitment left only one course open to him, namely, to fight! He did not stop to ask whether others were also willing to shoulder their responsibility; his own was perfectly clear to him.

But how to fight? Where to begin? What to do? The name of one man who had done something naturally came to his mind: Adolf Hitler. Rockwell has described what happened next:

I hunted around the San Diego bookshops and finally found a copy of Mein Kampf hidden away in the rear. I bought it, took it home, and sat down to read. And that was the end of one Lincoln Rockwell… and the beginning of an entirely different person.

He had not, of course, spent nearly thirty-three years completely oblivious to world events. Many things had bothered him deeply, and he had spent years of frustrating effort trying to fathom the apparently meaningless chaos into which the world seemed to be descending. It seemed to him that there must be some logical relationship between the events of the preceding few decades, but he could not find the key to the puzzle:

I simply suffered from the vague, unhappy feeling that things were wrong – I didn’t know exactly how – and that there must be a way of diagnosing the disease and its causes and making intelligent, organized efforts to correct that something wrong.

Adolf Hitler’s message in Mein Kampf gave him the key he had been seeking, and more:

In Mein Kampf I found abundant mental sunshine, which bathed all the gray world suddenly in the clear light of reason and understanding. Word after word, sentence after sentence stabbed into the darkness like thunderclaps and lightning bolts of revelation, tearing and ripping away the cobwebs of more than thirty years of darkness, brilliantly illuminating the mysteries of the heretofore impenetrable murk in a world gone mad.

I was transfixed, hypnotized. I could not lay the book down without agonies of impatience to get back to it. I read it walking to the squadron; I took it into the air and read it lying on the chart board while I automatically gave the instructions to the other planes circling over the desert. I read it crossing the Coronado ferry. I read it into the night and the next morning. When I had finished I started again and reread every word, underlining and marking especially magnificent passages. I studied it; I thought about it; I wondered at the utter, indescribable genius of it…

I reread and studied it some more. Slowly, bit by bit, I began to understand. I realized that National Socialism, the iconoclastic world view of Adolf Hitler; was the doctrine of scientific racial idealism – actually a new religion…

And thus Lincoln Rockwell became a National Socialist. But his conversion to the new religion still did not answer his question, „What can be done?“ Eight long years of struggle and defeat lay ahead of him before he would gain the knowledge he needed to effectively translate his new faith into action and begin to carry on Adolf Hitler’s great work once again. While he still lacked the wisdom that could only come in the years ahead, he lacked nothing in energy and determination. For a year he continued to explore the ramifications of the new world view he had adopted and also continued his self-education in several other areas, including the Jewish question.

Then, in November, 1952, the Navy assigned him to a year of duty at the American base at Keflavik in Iceland, where he was executive officer and, later, commanding officer of the Fleet Aircraft Service Squadron there, „Fasron“107. His promotion to commander came in October, 1953, after he had requested an extension of his Icelandic assignment for another year. He also met and fell in love with an Icelandic girl, who became his second wife in the same month he was promoted. This marriage was far happier than his first. The relative isolation and solitude he enjoyed in Iceland gave him a further opportunity to consolidate his thoughts and to plan a campaign of political action based on his National Socialist philosophy. Feeling that his most urgent need was some medium for the dissemination of his political message, he considered various ways in which he might enter the publishing business. He needed to establish a bridgehead in this industry which would provide him with operational funds and living expenses as well as give him a vehicle for political expression.

He finally decided to begin his career with the publication of a monthly magazine for the wives of American servicemen, primarily because the complete absence of any competing publication in the field seemed to offer an excellent business advantage. He felt that he could not only capture this market, thus assuring himself a steady income, but that service families would provide a particularly receptive audience for his political ideas. His idea was to employ the utmost subtlety, disguising his propaganda so carefully that he would not jeopardize any Jewish advertising accounts the magazine might acquire. He naively thought that he would deceive the Jews and move the hearts and minds of his readers in the desired direction simultaneously.

Rough plans had been laid by the time his service in Iceland was over. His return to civilian life came on December 15, 1954. Nine months of more planning, hard work, fund raising, and promotion led to the realization of his ideas with the publication of his new magazine, for which he chose the name U.S. Lady, in Washington, in September, 1955.

At the same time he was getting his magazine underway, he began making personal contacts in right-wing circles in the Washington area. He attended the meetings of various groups and then began to organize meetings of his own. Before he could put his magazine to use as a medium for disguised propaganda, however, he found himself in serious financial difficulties, due to his lack of capital, and he was forced to sell the magazine in order to avoid bankruptcy.

With undiminished enthusiasm, he continued his organizing efforts among the right wing. Making the same mistake that nearly every other beginner makes, he assumed that the proper way to proceed lay in coordinating the numerous right-wing and conservative organizations and individuals-bringing them together into a right-wing superstructure where they could work effectively for their common goals. He felt that such a coordination could make an almost miraculous transformation in the strength of the right-wing position in America.

To this end he bought radio advertisements, spoke at dozens of meetings, wrote numberless letters, and devoted every waking hour to the promotion of his plan for unity. He created a paper organization, the American Federation of Conservative Organizations, and continued his tireless efforts to inspire and mobilize even a few of the hundreds of right-wing groups and individuals with whom he had established contact, but to no avail: „Our meetings were better and better attended, but there was no result at all – nothing accomplished.“

He sadly learned that all the right-wing groups had one weakness in common: their members loved to talk but were incapable of action. A substantial portion of them were hobbyists – escapists obsessed with various pet projects and absolutely invulnerable to reason, or masochists who delighted in moaning endlessly about treason and decay but who were shocked at the suggestion that they should help put an end to it. Many were so neurotic that the idea of engaging them in any prolonged cooperative effort was untenable. Some were simply insane. Virtually all were cowards. Years of inaction or ineffectiveness had drained the ranks of the right-wing of the type of human material essential for any serious undertaking. Very little was left but the sort of dregs with which nothing could be done.

Unfortunately, he had failed to heed the Leader’s warning that eight cripples who join arms do not yield even one gladiator as a result:

And if there were indeed one healthy man among the cripples, he would expend all his strength just keeping the others on their feet and in this way become a cripple himself.

By the formation of a federation, weak organizations are never transformed into strong ones, but a strong organization can and often will be weakened. The opinion that strength must result from the association of weak groups is incorrect..

. . . Great, truly world-shaking revolutions of a spiritual nature are not even conceivable and realizable except as the titanic struggles of individual formations, never as the undertakings of coalitions.

It has been said that experience keeps a dear school, and in Rockwell’s case it was dear indeed. He had exhausted all the money left from the sale of U.S. Lady by the time the last meeting of his American Federation of Conservative Organizations, on July 4, 1956, failed to produce any concrete results. He had to find a new source of income and considered himself fortunate to obtain a temporary position as a television scriptwriter.

This lasted only a few months, however, and then he took a position on the staff of the New York-based conservative magazine, American Mercury, as assistant to the publisher. He had learned the futility of trying to achieve effective cooperation between the various right-wing groups and had resigned himself to forming a new organization.

Rockwell still had two bitter lessons to learn in the school of experience, however-lessons which the Leader had set forth clearly in his immortal book, but which Rockwell, for all his careful study, had failed to take to heart, just as with the admonition against hoping to gain strength by uniting weaknesses. He still believed that the enemies of our people could be fought effectively by the „respectable“ means to which conservatives have always restricted themselves. He thought to avoid the „stigma“ of anti-Semitism by working silently and indirectly against treason and racial subversion. This method had the great advantage of not provoking the enemy, so that one could proceed peacefully and safely with one’s „silent“ work.

Thus, while working at American Mercury he began to formulate plans for an underground, „hard-core“ National Socialist organization, with a right-wing front and financing by wealthy conservatives. Since the organization was to be, in effect, National Socialist, with National Socialists at the helm and carrying out the significant activities, and the conservative front only a disguise, he happily thought he had a plan which would not be subject to all the flaws of those of his conservative efforts of the past.

His new project rapidly foundered on the shoals of reality, however. First he found that wealthy conservatives suffered from most of the character defects that he had already observed in not-so-wealthy conservatives. Money could be gotten from them for „pet“ projects-but not for any serious effort which smacked of danger, particularly danger of exposure. A more fundamental weakness of the „secret“ approach, however, lay in the fact that it is the surface disguise, the front-not the hidden core-which determines the quality of the personnel attracted to an organization. Thus, when his anticipated source of funds balked and his one National Socialist recruit became discouraged and left, Rockwell was faced with the prospect of scrapping his new idea and starting again from nothing.

Sadly he re-read the words the Leader had written more than thirty years previously: „A man who knows a thing, recognizes a given danger, and sees with his own eyes the possibility of a remedy, damned well has the duty and the obligation not to work ‘silently’, but to stand up openly against the evil and for its cure. If he does not do so then he is a faithless, miserable weakling who fails either from cowardice or from laziness and incompetence… Every last agitator who possesses the courage to defend his opinions with manly forth-rightness, standing on a tavern table among his adversaries, accomplishes more than a thousand of these lying, treacherous sneaks.“

It had taken two years of repeated discouragements and failures to bring this lesson home to him, but now he understood it. He had finally seen the fallacy underlying the conservative premise. In his own words:

Although it is made to appear so, the battle between the conservatives and liberals is not a battle of ideas or even of Political organizations. It is a battle of terror, and power. The Jews and their accomplices and dupes are not running our country and its people because of the excellence of their ideas or the merit of their work or the genuine majority of people behind them. They are in power in spite of the lack of these things, and only because they have driven their way into power by daring minority tactics. They can stay in power only because people are afraid to oppose them-afraid they will be socially ostracized, afraid they will be smeared in the press, afraid they will lose their jobs, afraid they will not be able to run their businesses, afraid they will lose political offices. It is fear and fear alone, which keeps these filthy left-wing sneaks in power-not ignorance on the part of the American people, as the conservatives keep telling each other.

Beyond this however, he was coming to an even more fundamental conclusion: Not only were conservatives wrong in their evaluation of the nature of the conflict between themselves and liberals and wrong in their choice of tactics, but their motives were also wrong; at least, he was beginning to see that their motives differed fundamentally from his own. Basically, the conservatives are aracial. Their primary concerns are economic: taxes, government spending, fiscal responsibility; and social: law and order, honest government, morality. At worst, their sole interest is the protection of their standard of living from the encroachments of the welfare state; at best, they are genuinely concerned about the general decay of standards and the trend toward mobocracy and chaos. But, as a whole, they show very little concern for the biological problem of which all these other problems are only manifestations.

Certainly the right wing was preferable to the left wing in this respect. At least conservatives tended to have a healthy anti-Semitic instinct. But as long as their inner orientation was economic-materialistic rather than racial-idealistic, they would remain primarily interested in the defense of a system rather than a race, they would continue to look for easy and superficial solutions rather than fundamental ones, and they would continue to lack that spirit of selfless idealism essential to ultimate victory. Thus, as the year 1956 drew to a close, Rockwell was certain of one thing: Conservatives would never, by any stretch of the imagination, be able to offer any effective opposition to the forces of degeneration and death. As he wrote later, anyone, when he first discovers what is going on, might be forgiven a certain period of nourishing the delusion and hope that there is a safe, easy, and „nice“ solution to the problem. But to pursue the same fruitless tactics year after year is evidence of something else: Conservatives are the world’s champion ostriches, muttering to each other down under the sand „in secret“, while their plumed bottoms wave in the breeze for the Jews to kick at their leisure. They are fooling nobody but themselves.

The answer would have to be found elsewhere-but where, how?

The years 1957 and 1958 were difficult ones. As a representative of a New York management-consultant firm, he spent most of 1957 traveling in New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, writing and consolidating his thoughts whenever he could find time. The winter of 1957-58 saw a brief interlude in Atlanta, where he sold advertising.

During this period, Rockwell had an experience about which he has never written and which he related to only a few people. Always a skeptic where the supernatural was concerned, he was certainly not a man to be easily influenced by omens. Yet there can be no doubt that he attached special significance to a series of dreams that he had then. The dreams – actually all variations of a single dream – occurred nearly every night for a period of several weeks and were of such intensity that he could recall them vividly upon waking. In each dream he saw himself in some everyday situation: sitting in a crowded theater, eating at a counter in a diner, walking through the busy lobby of an office building, or inspecting the airplanes of his squadron at an airfield hangar.

And in each dream a man would approach him-theater usher, diner cook, office clerk, or mechanic – – and say something to the effect, „Mr, Rockwell, there is someone to see you.“ And then he would be led off to some back room or side office in the building or hangar, as the case may have been. He would open the door and find waiting for him inside, always alone – -Adolf Hitler. Then the dream would end.

One can most easily interpret these dreams as a case of autosuggestion, but in the light of later developments Rockwell considered them as a symbolic summons, a beckoning onto the path for which he was then still groping, whether that beckoning was the consequence of an internal or an external stimulus.

Early in 1958 he returned to Virginia. His first effort there was in Newport News, where he produced political cartoons in collaboration with the publisher of a small racist magazine which shortly went bankrupt. In Newport News, however, he met a man who was to play a critical role in changing the course of his political career: Harold N. Arrowsmith, Jr.

Arrowsmith was a wealthy conservative with a „pet“ project – but he was not like any other wealthy conservative Rockwell had met. Independently wealthy as the result of an inheritance, he had formerly been a physical anthropologist. He had stumbled into politics rather by accident when a friend on the research staff of a Congressional investigating committee had asked him for some help with some library research connected with a case under investigation. In the course of this work he had, to his surprise, come upon some of the documentary material that had so startled Rockwell a few years earlier in San Diego.

Being a trained scholar, a linguist with a dozen languages at his disposal, having access to all the major libraries and archives of the Western world-and with unlimited time and money – he was able to follow up his initial discoveries and soon had unearthed literally thousands of items of evidence. The story they told was a shocking and frightening one: world wars and revolutions, famines and massacres-not the caprices of history, but the results of deliberate and cold-blooded scheming.

Although he had filing cabinets bulging with military intelligence reports, court records, photostats of diplomatic correspondence, and other material, he had not been able to publicize any of his finds. Scholarly journals returned his carefully written and documented papers with rejection slips, and it soon became apparent that no publisher of general periodicals would accept them either. He approached Rockwell with the proposition of printing, publishing, and distributing some of his documentary material, with full financial backing.

They formed the „National Committee to Free America from Jewish Domination,“ and Rockwell moved to Arlington, Virginia, where Arrowsmith provided him with a house and printing equipment.

Rockwell had already reached the conclusion that if any progress were to be made, it was necessary to break out of the right-wing milieu into fresh territory. Right-wingers had been exchanging and reading one another’s pamphlets for years, with no noticeable results. They always used the same mailing lists and sent their propaganda to people who, for the most part, had already heard at least a dozen variations on the same theme. What was needed was mass publicity, so that some fresh blood could be attracted into the Movement.

As the normal channels of mass propaganda were closed to most right-wingers-and certainly to anyone whose propaganda might prove distressing to Jews-Rockwell had decided that radical means must be used to force open those channels. He placed this objective before all others. For, he reasoned, if one is to mobilize men into an organization – secret or otherwise – for the purpose of gaining political power, one must first let those men know of one’s existence and communicate to them at least a bare outline of one’s program. Until a mass of new raw material – potential recruits – could be stirred up by making a really significant impact on the public consciousness, there was simply no sense in proceeding further; he had already spent too much time doing things the old way. He was, in fact, prepared to take the next-to-last step in his progress from just another goy to the heir to Adolf Hitler’s mighty legacy. He decided on public agitation of the most provocative sort-agitation of such a blatant and revolutionary sort that the mass media could not ignore it.

In May, 1958, Eisenhower had sent U.S. marines to Lebanon to help maintain the government of President Chamoun in power, against the wishes of the Arab citizens of that country. The Lebanese Arabs desired closer cooperation with the other Arab states, but Chamoun, much to the pleasure of the Jews, did not. The threat of the overthrow of Chamoun and of a pro-Arab government coming into power in Lebanon, thus adding another member to the Arab bloc opposing the illegal Jewish occupation of Palestine, led U.S. Jews to press the course of U.S. intervention upon Eisenhower, always their willing tool. The issue was much in the public eye during the summer of 1958, and Rockwell decided to use it as the basis of his first public demonstration-a picket of the White House. Calling on many of the contacts he had made around the country during the past few years, he was able to arrange for a busload of young demonstrators to come to Washington and also to organize protest groups in both Atlanta, Georgia, and Louisville, Kentucky.

Then on Sunday morning, July 29, 1958, Rockwell led his group of pickets to the White House, while the groups in Atlanta and Louisville began their demonstrations simultaneously. Carrying large signs which Rockwell had designed and printed himself, these three groups made the first public protest against Jewish control of the U.S. government since the Jews had silenced their critics in 1941. It was indeed a momentous occasion: not yet an open National Socialist demonstration, but a vigorous slap in the face for the enemy-a slap which could not be ignored, as all the „secret“ right-wing activity had been for years.

Ten weeks later, on October 12, a synagogue in Atlanta was mysteriously blown up. Police immediately swooped on Rockwell’s men in Atlanta who had demonstrated in July. Newspapers around the world carried front-page stories implicating Rockwell and Arrowsmith in the bombing. Arrowsmith, who felt he was getting more involved in politics than was comfortable, retrieved his printing equipment and withdrew Rockwell’s financial support. For the first time, Rockwell began to get a taste of the difficult times which lay ahead. Hoodlums, instigated by the newspaper publicity, attacked his home. Windows were broken, and stones and firecrackers were thrown at his house late at night. Both by day and by night he and his wife received obscene and threatening telephone calls. Finally, for the sake of their safety, he felt obliged to send his family to Iceland.

With its financial backing gone, the „National Committee to Free America from Jewish Control“ was no more. The last of Rockwell’s conservative friends evaporated in the harsh glare of newspaper hate propaganda which was heaped upon him. As the new year, 1959, came in, he found himself alone in an empty house, without friends or money or prospects for the future. He had dared to seize the dragon by the tail and had survived. Yet, in the bleak, cold days of January and February, 1959, this gave him little comfort as he faced an uncertain and unpromising future.

… As I sat alone in that empty house or lay alone in that even emptier bed in the silent, hollow darkness, the full realization of what I was about bore in upon me with fearful urgency. I realized there was no turning back; as long as I lived I was marked with the stigma of anti-Jewishness… I could never again hope to earn a normal living. The Jews could not survive unless they made an example of me the rest of my life, else too many others might be tempted to follow my example. My Rubicon had been crossed, and it was fight and win-or die.

And then something happened which, in its way, was to be as decisive in his life as had been his finding Adolf Hitler’s message in Mein Kampf, eight years before, in San Diego. Again, it was like a guiding hand reaching to him from the twilight of the past – from a charred, rubble-filled bunker in Berlin – and showing him the way. Waiting for him at the post office one morning at the beginning of March was a large carton. In it, carefully folded, was a huge swastika banner, which had been sent by a young admirer.

Deeply moved, he carried the banner home and hung it across one end of his living room, completely covering the wall. He found a small, bronze plaque with a relief bust of Adolf Hitler, which had been given to him earlier, and mounted it in the center of the swastika. Then he found three candles and candle holders, which he placed on a small book-case he had arranged just below the bronze plaque. He closed the blinds and lit the candles:

I stood there in the flickering candlelight, not a sound in the house, not a soul near me or aware of what I was doing-or caring.

On that cold, March morning, alone before the dimly lit altar, Lincoln Rockwell underwent an experience of a sort shared by few men in the long history of our race – an experience which comes seldom to this world but which may radically alter the course of that world when it does. Nearly fifty-three years before, a similar experience had befallen a man – that time on a cold, November night, on a hilltop overlooking the Austrian town of Linz.

It was a religious experience that was more than religious. As he stood there he felt an indescribable torrent of emotions surging through his being, reaching higher and higher in a crescendo with a peak of unbearable intensity. He felt the awe-inspiring awareness for a few moments, or a few minutes, of being more than himself, of being in communion with that which is beyond description and beyond comprehension. Something with the cool, vast feeling of eternity and of infinity – of long ages spanning the birth and death of suns, and of immense, starry vistas-filled his soul to the bursting point. One may call that Something by different names-the Great Spirit, perhaps, or Destiny, or the Soul of the Universe, or God- but once it has brushed the soul of a man, that man can never again be wholly what he was before. It changes him spiritually in the same way that a mighty earthquake or a cataclysmic eruption, the subsidence of a continent or the bursting forth of a new mountain range, changes forever the face of the earth.

Slowly the storm subsided, and Lincoln Rockwell – a new Lincoln Rockwell – became aware once again of the room about him and of his own thoughts. He has described for us his feeling then:

… Where before I had wanted to fight the forces of tyranny and regression, now I HAD to fight them. But even more, I felt within me the power to prevail – strength beyond my own strength – the ability to do the right thing even when I was personally overwhelmed by events. And that strength has not yet failed me. Nor will it fail… I knew with calm certainty exactly what to do, and I knew, in a hard-to-explain sense, what was ahead. It was something like looking at a road from the air after seeing only the curve ahead from the ground… Hitler had shown the way to survival. It would be my task on this earth to carry his ideas… to total, world-wide victory. I knew I would not live to see the victory which I would make possible. But I would not die before I had made that victory certain.

And just as Adolf Hitler had said of his experience on the Freinberg, „In that hour it began,“ so in that hour it began for Lincoln Rockwell also. He did not realize it then, of course, but this climactic event had come almost exactly in the middle of his political life; he had run just half the course from that fall day in 1950, in the San Diego Public Library, to a martyr’s death in Arlington in the late summer of 1967.

Before, he had been a right-winger, a conservative, albeit a more and more openly anti-Jewish one; before, he had felt the need to keep his National Socialism concealed; before, while he had admired Adolf Hitler as the greatest thinker in the history of the race and Mein Kampf as the most important book ever written, they had not been wholly real to him-and this attitude had resulted in his failure so often to apply the Leader’s teachings to his own political efforts. Now, however, he was no longer a conservative, but a National Socialist, and he would bear witness for his faith before the whole world; now, at last, he recognized in Adolf Hitler not just an extraordinarily great mind and spirit, but something immortal, transcendental, more than human; now he saw the Leader as an embodiment, in a way, of that Universal Soul with which he had briefly communed; now he was prepared to follow the Leader’s teachings without reservation, in all things.

At the same time that these fundamental changes in his outlook took place, he saw the need for a fundamental change in his political tactics. He recalled the Leader’s words:

Any man who is not attacked in the Jewish newspapers, not slandered and vilified, is no true National Socialist. The best measure of the value of his will is the hostility he receives from the mortal enemy of our people. . .

Every Jewish slander and every Jewish lie is a scar of honor on the body of our warriors.

The man they have most reviled stands closest to us, and the man they hate worst is our best friend.

Anyone who picks up a Jewish newspaper in the morning and does not see himself slandered in it has not made profitable use of the previous day; for if he had, he would be persecuted, reviled, slandered, abused, befouled. And only the man who combats this mortal enemy of our nation and of all Aryan humanity and culture most effectively may expect to see the slanders of this race and the efforts of this people directed against him.

And further:

It makes no difference whatever whether they laugh at us or revile us, whether they represent us as clowns or criminals; the main thing is that they mention us, that they concern themselves with us again and again, and that we gradually appear to be the only power that anyone reckons with at the moment. What we really are and what we really want, we will show the Jewish journalistic rabble when the day comes.

Rockwell had already recognized the need for gaining mass publicity by radical means, but he had flinched at the thought of the slander and vilification, the misrepresentation and ridicule which must inevitably accompany any publicity he received through the alien-dominated mass media. He had been living in the conservative dream world and had shared with other right-wingers the comfortable illusion that one can keep the enemy fooled – even make him think one is his friend – and fight him effectively at the same time.

Even as he gradually became more forthright in his statements with respect to the Jewish question, he retained the feeling that to speak out openly for Adolf Hitler’s National Socialist world view would be nothing short of suicide.

Thus he had fallen between two stools after his demonstration of July 29, 1958. He had been numbed by the virulence of the hatred unleashed against him, and at the same time found himself crippled by self-imposed limitations in his own campaign.

Now, however, he had decided that not only would he never again flinch under the torrent of abuse and slander which his activities were sure to bring down on him, but he would provoke such attacks by the enemy, looking upon each one as a „scar of honor“ and also as another small step toward his eventual general recognition as the opponent of everything the enemy stood for, as „the only power with which [that enemy] reckoned.“ And he saw that an open avowal of his National Socialism was not only the strongest irritant he could bring to bear against his enemy, but it was the only realistic basis for gathering around himself those elements of the population needed to build a viable and lasting movement with which eventually to destroy that enemy and restore his own race to the position of strength and health and honor from which it had abdicated.

Actually, he carried the Leader’s counsel about the use of the enemy’s own propaganda to its logical extreme. Looking at the task before him realistically for the first time, he saw that the problems he faced were so severe that, in order to make any progress against them, he would be obliged to concentrate all his energies upon one aspect of those problems at a time.

The first step was general recognition. His earlier conviction that that goal must be attained at the expense of every other consideration was now stronger than ever. Thus, instead of following the natural urge to dissociate National Socialism from the Hollywood image that Jewry had been building for it for more than three decades, he temporarily threw all hopes of „respectability“-even among other National Socialists-aside and set about turning to his own advantage all the Jews’ previous efforts.

Toward this end he deliberately pinned on himself the label „Nazi,“ rather than „National Socialist,“ using this bit of journalistic jargon which had been coined by the enemy during the early days of struggle in Germany, a term looked upon by National Socialists with about the same feeling that convinced Marxists must look upon the designation „commie,“ or „pinko.“ Behind this step-one which was to cause much misunderstanding and suspicion in days to come-was the cold-blooded realization that a strutting, shouting uniform-wearing, Hollywood-style „Nazi“ was vastly more newsworthy, had vastly more „shock value,“ than any mere National Socialist.

As he pondered over his soul-stirring experience and began to lay new plans for the future during the next few days, events began flowing in the new channel marked out for them by the finger of Destiny. Three men, a right-wing acquaintance and two other men who were strangers to Rockwell, dropped in to see him one evening. Initially shocked and repelled by the swastika banner in his living room, they were soon won over by his passionate exposition of the new cause. Two of the three remained to become his first disciples.

Then he opened the blinds on his windows, making his swastika banner visible from the street. He issued swastika armbands to his two recruits, and the three of them swaggered about the house wearing holstered pistols. Later he mounted an illuminated swastika on the roof.

The crowds came to laugh and jeer and throw rocks-but a few remained to listen. His „stormtroopers“ grew in number from two, to four, to ten.

These March days in 1959, which witnessed the first genuine rebirth of National Socialist activity after nearly fourteen years of terror and total suppression, marked the beginning of the stormiest and most difficult times Rockwell faced. Harassed by the police with illegal searches and confiscation of his property and materials, assaulted by thugs and vandals whom the police made no efforts to apprehend, he and his small group of followers printed and distributed tens of thousands of leaflets and talked to throngs of curious and hostile visitors who came to see the „American Fuehrer,“ as the newspapers laughingly called him. He first chose the name „American Party“ for his embryonic organization, but soon changed the name to „American Nazi Party.“

Keeping his initial objective foremost in his mind, he concentrated the activities of his small group primarily on the distribution of inflammatory leaflets, on creating public incidents, on haranguing crowds under circumstances especially chosen to provoke violent opposition – anything and everything, in other words, to gain mass publicity, to become generally recognized as the opponent of the Jews and everything they represented, from Marxism to unprincipled capitalism, from racial degeneration to cultural Bolshevism.

His first soapbox-style public address was delivered on the Mall, in Washington, on Sunday, April 3, 1960, and became a regular occurrence for some time thereafter.

A letter he wrote to his mother during this early period of public speaking gives an idea of a few of the difficulties he faced:

7 July, 1960

Dear Mother:

Thank you for the letter and the help. It is much appreciated… Don’t pay too much attention to what the papers say, Mother they lie unbelievably. Last week they tried to murder us again on the Mall here and almost killed Major Morgan, whom you met, when they dragged him out-ten of them-and stomped him and left him for dead. But we prevailed, and even though the police, much against their will, were forced to arrest us for „disorderly conduct“ (for being attacked by a murderous mob!), the people are with us. This sort of thing is inevitable, and it will get worse. Now they have tried-yesterday – to have me heaved in an insane asylum to shut me up, but they were surprised, as I was relieved, when people rushed forward to offer the huge cash bond they set for me and I will have a psychiatrist of my own choosing deliver a report, instead of the two Jews they planned for me. Do not worry about all this. It is dangerous, painful, and bitter when our own people do not understand what we are doing and suffering for them, but I am sure that the Lord will not permit liars and villains to win in the end. You will yet be mighty proud…

Love,

Link

In May, 1960, the National Socialist Bulletin made its appearance as the first periodical published by the American Nazi Party. It evolved in to the Stormtrooper magazine after eight issues. Meanwhile, on February 5, 1960, the United States Navy, under pressure from Jewish groups, forced Rockwell to accept a discharge from the Naval Reserve.

Despite the news quarantine imposed on him, despite beatings and jailings, despite a chronic lack of funds, despite serious personnel problems, and despite a thousand other troubles and difficulties, his campaign to gain public recognition made steady progress. Newspapers found it impossible to completely avoid mentioning his brash and daring exploits; editors and columnists found irresistible the temptation to denounce or „expose“ him. Even radio and television emcees, ever on the prowl for sensation, yielded to temptation and defied the ban on publicity for Rockwell.

The image of George Lincoln Rockwell and the America Nazi Party created by the mass media for public consumption was, of course, a grossly distorted one. Rockwell had succeeded in forcing the media, more or less against their will, to give him publicity. Unfortunately, he could not force them to be impartial in their treatment, or even to be truthful, An interview with him published in the popular magazine, Playboy, was prefaced with such editorial remarks as: „Unlike controversial past interviewees Rockwell could not be called a spokesman for any socially or politically significant minority. But we felt that the very virulence of Rockwell’s messianic master-racism could transform a really searching conversation with the 48-year-old Fuhrer into a revealing portrait of both rampant racism and the pathology of fascism.“

Another commented: „The question of George Lincoln Rockwell boils down, then, to the question of how far can America let the hate-mongers go. Will an unsound branch on the tree of American democracy fall off or will it poison the organism?“

The really ambitious writers, editors, and reporters did not restrict themselves to such mildly prejudicial remarks but vied with one another in concocting outrageous lies about Rockwell. He was accused of cowardice, sadism, selfish gormandizing, kidnaping: „Like the late Adolf Schickelgruber, on whom he models himself, he believes in leading from behind-as far behind as possible.“ In one magazine, he was „quoted“ as boasting that he had once castrated a heckler with his bare hands,“ and another reported: „George Rockwell’s hysterical raving has already whipped up the lunatic fringe to the breaking point. Last summer three of his stormtroopers decided to please the Fuehrer by kidnaping a small Jewish child in Washington, D.C., and holding him at the Party Headquarters for several hours. How many more innocent citizens will be subjected to harassment before Robert F. Kennedy and the Justice Department move in?“

Topping them all was the story that „Like a true Nazi top dog, he avails himself of top-dog privileges and orders private meals served in his room. He partakes of such fancy fare as turtle soup, lobster, and steak while the men eat hash. Between meals he enjoys sucking kumquats.“ This last flight of fancy is reminiscent of articles published in the German press (before – 1933) which portrayed Adolf Hitler as a drunken profligate (Hitler only drank once in his entire life: the night of his High School Graduation) and lecher who dissipated the contributions of his followers in high living, champagne parties, and whoring.

Rockwell accepted these lies and slanders philosophically, for the alternative to this Jew-designed public image even was no public image at all. As a matter of fact, the Jews-and non-Jewish publicists anxious to demonstrate their affection for the Jews-cannot be given all the blame for this poor image. Rockwell himself lent a conscious hand to its creation, as he admitted when he said, „… When I have the rare opportunity to use some mass medium, as was recently the case when I gave an interview to Playboy, I am forced to walk a careful line between what I should like to say and what the enemy would like to hear me say. Unless I deliberately sound at least halfway like a raving illiterate with three loose screws, such an interview would never be printed.“

The price he paid for becoming generally recognized as „Mr. Nazi“ was a high one indeed. Other men with sound racial instincts but without Rockwell’s understanding of political realities were, naturally enough, appalled by what seemed to be Rockwell’s ridiculous antics. Most people, even relatively sophisticated ones who talk knowingly about „managed news,“simply find incomprehensible the Jewish Big Lie technique.

These sound but simple citizens all too often jumped to the not-implausible conclusion that Rockwell was a kind of agent provocateur, a traitor hired by the enemy to discredit honest racists and patriots. His correspondence with some of them displays a mixture of impatience with their inability to perceive the essence of the real problems facing our race, and a sincere desire to evoke understanding. The following extracts from a letter to a member of a snobbish racist group calling itself the „European Liberation Front“ are typical:

Dear Mr… :

I realize that I am only a stupid, silly American, but I do love this country, in spite of your denunciation of it. What you hate about it is what the Jews have done to it, and you are like a man who permits his wife to be debauched by rapists and then tosses her in the garbage can for it. Shame on you! „American“ influence on Europe is not American at all, and you damned sure should know it. The real American influence was Henry Ford, our West, and the like.

Europe is a tired old man-more like a tired old lady – and if Western culture is to be saved, it will be saved by the last Western barbarians, the American barbarians I love. Men like you, suave, polished, educated, supercilious, and „above“ nasty physical violence, cannot save themselves, let alone a nation, a culture, or a race. You people with your „European Liberation Front“ are going at it backwards. You can’t liberate Europe any more with Europeans. Hitler gave that effort every bit of holy genius within him, and he was mashed by the American barbarians. You and your egghead gang of dandies are in love with what is gone and insist on ignoring what is here. Rome is no more. You keep trying to resurrect it, and you can’t, because there are no more noble Romans over there, at least not enough to make a real fight of it, Europe is like one big France – -all empty shell, fine words, pretty songs, and dead men. We helped kill Europe. If you did liberate it, like France was „liberated,“ it would sink into degeneracy again in a century..

There are, of course, good, vigorous fighting men in Europe, but they are swamped by the human garbage left in the wreckage of two wars promoted by Jews and fought by Americans. I am building National Socialism here, by such expedients and methods as may be possible, and I am succeeding, in spite of your looking down your nose at me. . .

Whenever I can get some or the other of you to ditch the „We’re-the-real-National Socialists“ game and start being National Socialists, I give strength to the cause to which I have given my life, my family, my comfort, and everything else I have to give, no matter what you may have been told…

Frankness, not diplomacy, was his strong point.

In order to allay hostility and suspicion as much as he could, he was soon obliged to divert some of his energies from agitation and publicity garnering to a more sober exposition of his ideas. His first major effort in that direction was the publication of his political autobiography, This Time the World. Written hastily in the fall of 1960 between speaking engagements, court appearances, street brawls, and desperate attempts to raise money to sustain his small group, he was not able to publish it until a year later. The printing and binding of the book were done entirely by his untrained stormtroopers, and their only machinery was a tiny, office-style duplicator. The absolute sincerity of its tone failed to convince few of its readers, but the difficulties of distribution, due to the Jewish „quarantine,“ limited its circulation to a few thousand copies.

In October, 1961, the first of his Rockwell Reports appeared. Varying in length from four to thirty-six pages, the Rockwell Report appeared semi-monthly at first, then monthly, occasionally lapsing into bi-monthly publication during particularly difficult periods. The Rockwell Reports contained a lively mixture of National Socialist ideology, current political analysis, prognostication, political cartoons and drawings, reproductions of pertinent news clippings, and photographs of Party activities. They all bore his unique stamp and, more than any other one thing, were responsible for drawing to him the idealistic young men who formed the cadre of the growing movement.

From the beginning, Rockwell had understood the necessity for the National Socialist movement eventually to operate from a worldwide basis. For the ultimate political goal of the Movement was the establishment of an Aryan world order, a pax Aryana, as a prerequisite for the attainment of the long-term racial goals of the Movement. From the spring of 1959, this concept had existed on paper as the „World Union of Free-Enterprise National Socialists,“ but until the summer of 1962 it was not implemented beyond an exchange of letters with individual National Socialists in Europe. In early August, 1962, Rockwell met with National Socialist representatives from four other nations in the Cotswold Hills, near Cotswold, England, and the World Union of National Socialists formally came into existence. On the fifth of August the protocol now known as the Cotswold Agreements was drawn up, pledging the National Socialist movements of the United States, Great Britain, France, Germany (including Austria), and Belgium to a common effort. Annual meetings of the World Union of National Socialists were originally envisaged, but Fate and circumstances prevented this. Rockwell was under increasing pressure in America during the next five years, as the situation there grew steadily more turbulent.

Rockwell’s original program was divided into three phases. The first phase, beginning in March, 1959, was to be a phase of provocative but essentially non-constructive activity, intended to generate publicity and build a public image, no matter how distorted. The second phase was to be a cadre-building phase, during which a strong, disciplined, effective, professional National Socialist organization was to be built and capabilities in propaganda and organizing developed to a high degree. The third phase was to be one of mass organization.

Phase one was masterfully executed. Rockwell proved himself an outstanding tactician in the rough-and-tumble game of smashing through the Jewish blackout barrier. With cool objectivity, he watched the press heap bucket after bucket of lies and filth on his image, provoking them to renewed activity whenever they tired. With keen insight he analyzed the Jewish situation. He understood that though they occupied the key positions of control in the public-opinion-forming networks, they were constrained to a large extent by the fact that that control must remain hidden from the public.

Furthermore, he understood the fact that a very substantial portion of the reporters, editors, columnists, newscasters, and even many individual newspaper and broadcast-station owners are not Jews, and, barring direct and categorical orders to the contrary from the key Jews, these people can be counted upon to react in a more-or-less predictable way to a given stimulus. Thus, by taking a position and making statements which seemed extreme and even ridiculous to the „average citizen,“ he could entice publicists to quote him widely, thinking thus to discredit both the man and the philosophy with these average citizens. What they failed to understand was that before the Movement could profit from any mass appeal, it had to appeal to a large number of very un-average citizens – fearless idealists who could form the National Socialist cadre.

And these men responded in a very different way to Rockwell’s message than did the liberal publicists or their average audience. They saw beyond the superficial „ridiculousness“ of his message to the kernel of deep truth that it contained. While the average citizen, incapable of thinking beyond the immediate problems of the day, found Rockwell’s message „too extreme,“ just as the publicists intended, those who could extrapolate in their minds the developments of the present to the consequences of tomorrow-and of a century hence-saw the compelling necessity of his demands. But such men are rather sparsely distributed throughout the population, and to reach them Rockwell needed to cast his net very wide; this the publicists helped him do while they thought to smear him. Rockwell also understood that the image of him being erected in the minds of the masses, while a liability now, had a value for the future, when conditions had ripened so that at least some of those masses were ready for an „extremist.“

Phase two – cadre building and organizational development – in a sense was co-extant with phase one, for from the very beginning Rockwell’s publicity began to attract a few of the idealists needed for phase two, and these men began to constitute the skeleton of the organizational structure which was later to be filled out. Even a bit of phase three entered the picture during the first phase, when Rockwell conducted a campaign to become governor of the state of Virginia in 1965.

This election campaign proved to be a period of extremely valuable training not only for Rockwell but for the leadership personnel of his entire Party. Realizing the eventual need to develop proficiency at mass campaigning, Rockwell decided to begin acquiring experience in that direction soon rather than late. As he later admitted, after winning less than 1.5% of the votes cast, the campaign also provided a more fundamental lesson and helped him to realistically re-evaluate the entire status of the Movement. Before, he had taken overly optimistic view that the Movement would begin to pick up substantial mass following as soon as it had gained sufficient publicity through his phase-one activities; that is, he believed that phases two and three would be largely concurrent.

After the Virginia campaign, having been reminded once again of the stupendous inertia of public opinion, he realized that phase two would be much longer than originally anticipated, and that the beginning of any substantial success from phase-three activity would have to await two things: a considerable internal strengthening of the Movement and a considerable worsening of the general racial-social-economic situation.

With this first thing in mind, he made the decision in 1966 to inaugurate a general activity. As mentioned before, the first two phases of Party activity overlapped to a large extent, and the transition between the two was marked primarily by a shift of emphasis. Phase one was the „Nazi“ era of the Movement. Phase two is the beginning of the National Socialist era. In line with this re-emphasis, the American Nazi Party officially became the National Socialist White People’s Party on January 1, 1967, and that date can reasonably be considered to mark the transition. Six months earlier, the appearance of National Socialist World was a major step in this direction. And six months after that date – in June, 1967 – a historic re-organizational conference of the Party leadership was held in Arlington. There Rockwell set the Movement on its new course, explaining the need for a total professionalization of every activity, from fund raising to propaganda writing, in order to meet the severe demands to be expected during the long period of growth and struggle ahead.

He was now forty-nine years old. For the past eight years he had been working an average sixteen hours a day, seven days a week. The strain on his physical and spiritual resources had been severe. Usually he was obliged to concentrate on the several tasks simultaneously. There was always a demonstration to be planned, a speech to be prepared, propaganda to be written, a court case to be fought, money to be raised, and everything to be done under nearly impossible working conditions, with incessant interruptions. Only the immense vitality of his rugged, six-foot-four-inch frame and a deep reserve of spiritual strength had sustained him in the past.

The course that lay ahead would certainly be no easier; on the contrary, in addition to the old tasks connected with agitation and publicity, there would be many new problems to be faced as the Movement continued into its new phase of activity.

Other men – strong men – might have yielded to the temptation to remain with a prescription to which they had become accustomed and not venture from a beaten path into strange and difficult territory. The slightest trace of subjectivity would allow them to ring forth a hundred reasons for not changing a modus operandi which they had found successful in the past. And yet it was characteristic of Rockwell that he did not hesitate for an instant. When he saw that the time had come for the Movement to change its tactics and accept a different set of challenges, he set himself to the new task with the same determination that he had shown throughout the first phase.

Now it was necessary to build up a whole new public image for the Party, or, rather, gradually to transform the grossly distorted image he had induced the enemy to build for him to one closer to the truth. It was a demanding task, and he spent the summer of 1967 in laying plans for the future and in finishing his new book, White Power.

In one of his last letters, written in August to two faithful Party comrades, man and wife, he reveals a little of the introspection which occupied his mind at this decisive time:

Dear

By no means do I get the solid feeling that [you] are clear in your own minds on what has been done, what should be done now, and what might be done (or not done) in the future. For this reason, after much of my favorite recent hobby – tossing and turning – I have arisen as dawn is creeping over this benighted city to set forth on paper some thoughts which might help.(And often I find that such efforts to help others, help me in the process.) There is no plan or overall approach in this letter; it’s just jewels, pearls, and clinkers from a mind which seems to be in a state of near-collapse and rebellion. First let me present an insoluble problem within me. Doing my best to learn from history, I am aware of a fact of all great struggles. There have been millions of causes, battles, and so on, almost all of them lost. History rarely records the losers, except when they get hacked up in a particularly interesting and dramatic manner. But there are some winners, who do get recorded in history and I have examined these pretty carefully (wishing someday to join their exalted ranks) to see if there is any common pattern to their activity on this planet which might be a key to why they won, when almost everybody loses. There is absolutely no doubt about it; there is such a pattern, even though the causes and struggles vary in content or aim from Lenin’s Bolshevism to Adolf Hitler’s National Socialism, from a little old lady set on running her neighbor out of town to Genghis Khan and his human hamburger machine. The winners in every case have been more determined, more fanatical in their ruthless refusal to quit, than their competitors. This would seem to indicate that victory is given to him who is most persevering. But this has not been true, either. History abounds with persevering nuts who have repeatedly hopped off hills and buildings wearing „wings“ and just as repeatedly landed on their behinds until there was nothing left…

The conclusion I reach from all this is that it takes three things to make a winner: a good cause, i.e., a cause which is in time, in phase, and needed; a leader who is unshakeable in his determination to fight as long as he has a couple of stumps for legs and who can inspire that same will in his troops; and some plain good luck. As I examine my own cause, leadership, and luck, I find that it is absolutely impossible for me to make a detached judgment on whether I am one of the fanatics hopping off a hill with a pair of Woolworth, glue-and-feathers wings, or whether I am one of the guys who gets modeled into stone images for the benefit of pigeons. … I do not think either of you knows the answer to that one, either. However, I have the advantage over both of you in that I long, long ago made up my mind that the best thing I can do with my life – what’s left of it – is to take aim, do my best to control the inevitable shaking, and never take my eye and heart off the target until it goes down…

ON THE 25th OF AUGUST, 1967, a Friday, at two minutes before noon, near his Arlington headquarters, an assassin’s bullet struck him down.

The murderer, a man whom Rockwell had expelled from the Party a few months earlier for his repeated attempts to inject Marxist ideas subtly into Party publications and for publicly expounding a doctrine of racial Bolshevism, had lain in ambush atop a nearby building and fired into Rockwell’s car as it drove by. Ironically, Rockwell had rescued this puffed-up little Bolshevik from the gutters of New York City eight years before, and he had taken an almost fatherly interest in him ever since. He had never given up his repeated attempts to instill a little decency and sense of honor into him, despite overwhelming evidence that the man was a compulsive liar and thief and an incurable conspirator. All his well-meant efforts in this direction were rewarded only with heartache after heartache over the years – and finally with death, when the vicious little punk he thought he could make into a man found a chance to „get even“ for being expelled from the Party.

Following a denial by the United States government of Commander Rockwell’s right to burial in a national cemetery, his Party comrades had his body cremated, and a National Socialist memorial service was held in Arlington on the afternoon of August 30. His eulogy was short but moving.

National Socialist comrades! Fellow White Americans! Today we take upon ourselves the sorrowful task of laying to rest the mortal remains of our beloved Commander, Lincoln Rockwell, martyred by the bullet of a cowardly assassin. To those of us who worked with him every day, to those Party comrades all over America, and to dedicated National Socialists throughout the world the staggering loss imposed by his death will only be fully felt in the days and years of struggle which lie ahead of us all. His inspiration and his will, the depth of his wisdom and the heroism of his spirit-these are the things which gave us the motivation and the guidance we sorely needed to keep up the fight on so many dark days in years past.

The stunning suddenness of his departure and the ensuing turmoil of the last few days have kept us from yet assessing the magnitude of our loss. But even harder to bear than this, perhaps, has been utterly shabby-the despicably shameful-treatment of our fallen Commander by a government of the nation he served so faithfully throughout all the years of his manhood. George Lincoln Rockwell gave his life in the struggle against Bolshevism at a time when thousands of other American fighting men on the other side of the world are also falling victims to that same Bolshevism – and yet an American government has denied his request to be laid to rest in the place of his choice.

George Lincoln Rockwell served America for twenty years and through two wars, risking his life again and again in defense of the land and the people he loved so well. He was no armchair soldier, but he chose of his own will that soldierly profession demanding the very highest order of courage and skill: he was a fighter pilot. His dedication to duty, his daring, his proficiency led him from the rank of Seaman to that of full Commander, gave him the leadership of three squadrons, and earned him nine decorations. And an American government does not hold him fit to be buried beside his fellow fighting men.

George Lincoln Rockwell has sacrificed more and fought harder for the things he held dear-his native land, his fellow countrymen, and above all his race-than any man now living. He saw his duty and unflinchingly did it, even when that duty led him into opposition to nearly all those around him. He saw further than other men, and he fought harder. Indeed, in this latter regard he cherished the maxim of the great Leader whose philosophy moulded his own thoughts: Those who want to live, let them fight; and those who do not want to fight in this world of eternal struggle do not deserve to live.

He fought, and he died. And yet Lincoln Rockwell is not really dead, for he built a Movement and he spread an idea, and that Movement was not destroyed nor that idea silenced by the bullet that struck him down. And so long as that Movement remains and that idea continues to fill the hearts and minds of men, the spirit of Lincoln Rockwell lives on.

The ashes of the martyr lie here before us, and we cannot help but be filled with a solemn sense of tragedy. Yet we are not really here to mourn him, but to honor him and to rededicate ourselves to the Cause which he served. In the times ahead we must redouble our efforts, so that he will not have died in vain. We must let his great sacrifice serve to inspire us onward in our struggle toward victory-the victory of our people, of our great White race, over the disease which now afflicts it and the enemies who now oppress it. Indeed at this moment we must bear in mind that old saying which the Commander paraphrased for us: ‘The stones and mortar of our Movement are the bones and blood of its martyrs.’ It is this aspect of his death that he would now want us to keep uppermost in mind, forgetting our sorrow and filling ourselves with pride at the knowledge we followed such a leader.

For it was he, Lincoln Rockwell, who again picked up the torch which fell to earth twenty-two years ago. Adolf Hitler founded our great Movement and will forever fill a unique position in the saga of our race; but had it not been for Lincoln Rockwell, Adolf Hitler’s mighty work might well have been in vain. It was Lincoln Rockwell who set us once again on the upward path when we had faltered and wanted to go back again. It was his example which inspired us to do what we knew we should do rather than that which was easiest to do. It was his hand which led us out of the maze of defeat and degeneration and despair, and pointed the way toward higher things; and his voice which reminded us over and over again that we must continue the struggle for our race.

As we lay to rest the mortal remains of Lincoln Rockwell, it is appropriate to read once again that passage from the Leader’s book which he loved best. I shall read from chapter twelve of the first volume of the Commander’s personal copy of Mein Kampf:

When human hearts break and human souls despair, the great vanquishers of distress and care, of shame and misery, of spiritual slavery and physical duress look down upon them from the twilight of the past and hold out their eternal hands to faint-hearted mortals. Woe to the people that is ashamed to grasp them!

Deputy Führer Rudolf Hess – A Courageous Hero for Peace

Source: http://rudolfhess.net/

by Mark R. Elsis
August 17, 2012

My coming to England in this way is, as I realize, so unusual that nobody will easily understand it. I was confronted by a very hard decision. I do not think I could have arrived at my final choice unless I had continually kept before my eyes the vision of an endless line of children’s coffins with weeping mothers behind them, both English and German, and another line of coffins of mothers with mourning children.”

~ Rudolf Hess (June 10, 1941)

I do not propose to argue about charges that are concerned with the internal affairs of Germany, with which foreigners have no right to interfere. I make no complaints about statements, the aim of which is to discredit and dishonor myself and the entire German people. I regard such statements coming from enemies as confirmations of our honor. It has been my privilege to serve for many years under the greatest son to whom my people have given birth in its thousand years of history. Even if it were possible for me to do so, I would never wish to wipe this period of service out of my life. It fills me with happiness to know that I did my duty toward my people. I regret nothing. Whatever men may do to me, the day will come when I will stand before the judgment seat of the Eternal: to Him I will give an account of my actions, and I know that He will pronounce me innocent.”

~ Last statement by Rudolf Hess to the International Military Tribunal in Nüremberg (August 31, 1946)

Rudolf Walter Richard Hess, the eldest of four children, was born in Alexandria, Egypt on April 26, 1894. His father Fritz H. Hess, was from Wunsiedel in the Fichtelgebirge region of Germany and his mother Clara Hess, was of Greek origin. His father ran Hess & Co., a successful wholesaler and exporter. The Hess family lived quite well, in a big house with a beautiful garden on the Mediterranean coast. They also owned another home in Reicholdsgrün, in Bavaria, where they regularly spent their summer holidays. Rudolf Hess had an excellent education throughout these years in Egypt. In 1900, he was sent to the German school in Alexandria. This was enhanced with a couple of years of private tutoring. His Mother Clara taught him much about the ways of life and gave young Rudolf a love and wonderment for the constellations.

In 1908, the Hess family moved back to Germany. Rudolf now fourteen years old, is enrolled as a boarder at the Protestant School in Bad Godesberg. In 1911 under pressure from his father to carry on the family enterprise, Rudolf went to study business for a year at the Ecole Supérieure de Commerce, in Neuchâtel, Switzerland.

On July 28, 1914, World War I broke out in Europe. Soon after Rudolf enlisted in the 1st Bavarian Field Artillery Regiment. He become an infantryman, was wounded twice and was awarded the Iron Cross, second class. The severity of his second wound, a chest and lung wound, was enough to prevent his return to the front lines. So, Rudolf transferred and learned to fly at the Imperial Air Corps. He was a fighter pilot in 35th Jagdstaffel on the western front for the last couple months of the war. Rudolf Hess reached the rank of lieutenant.

In the summer of 1919 Hess first meets Professor Karl Ernst Haushofer and is impressed by him. That fall he enrolled in the University of Munich where he studied geopolitics, political science and history under Professor Haushofer. The Professor becomes both a mentor and good friend. The two families become close, with Rudolf and Haushofer’s son Albrecht developing a strong friendship.

In May of 1920, at a Munich rally, Rudolf Hess first hears Adolf Hitler give a speech. Hess is captivated right away with an admiration for Adolf Hitler that never leaves him. On July 1, 1920, Rudolf Hess became the sixteenth member that joined the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP).

Rudolf Hess spent much of his time and effort for the next several years organizing for the NSDAP locally in Bavaria. He introduced Hitler at many NSDAP rallies and functions. In the spring of 1921, he brought together Hitler and Professor Haushofer. Adolf Hitler found the geopolitical theories of Professor Haushofer intriguing and worthy. Hitler began interweaving more and more of his material into speeches. National Socialism started to grow quickly in Bavaria, and soon over all of Germany. On July 29, 1921, Adolf Hitler becomes leader of the NSDAP.

The Treaty of Versailles required Germany to accept responsibility for causing World War I. The total cost of the war reparations was assessed at 132 billion German Marks. In April 1921, England and France billed Germany for World War I. They demanded reparations of 33 Billion Dollars. Before the bill, 4 German Marks equaled 1 US Dollar.

In 1922, it was up to 400 Marks for 1 US Dollar. The German government pleaded for a deal. They asked for a reduction and postponement from the payments. It was refused. Germany decided to default on their payments. In 1923, it was 18,000 Marks for 1 US Dollar. In July 1923, it was 160,000, by August, 1,000,000. In September of 1923, the German government made the decision to resume making payments. It didn’t seem to matter, by November of 1923, it took 4,000,000,000 Marks for 1 US Dollar.

Most Germans lost all of their life savings. Their salaries were paid in a currency that soon became worthless. Prices were changing every day, soon it became every hour, and finally every minute. The daily grocery bill now cost billions of Marks. There was widespread hunger and riots broke out. In November of 1923, hyperinflation peaked. The time was surely ripe for a coup d’etat.

On September 26, 1923, Bavarian Prime Minister Eugen von Knilling declared a state of emergency. He appointed Gustav von Kahr the new state commissioner, with dictatorial governing powers. Together with Bavarian State Police head Colonel Hans Ritter von Seisser, and Reichswehr General Otto von Lossow, Kahr formed a triumvirate. Hitler announced that starting on September 27, 1923, he would be holding 14 mass meetings. One of Kahr’s first actions was to ban these meetings.

Adolf Hitler now knew that von Kahr sought to control him and was not ready to act against the government in Berlin. He found out that von Kahr was making a speech in front of about 3,000 people at Bürgerbräukeller, one of the largest beer halls in Munich. Hitler decided to take matters into his own hands. He felt the time was right for the NSDAP to make its move and take over Germany. He enlisted the help of World War I hero, General Erich Friedrich Wilhelm Ludendorf.

On November 8, 1923, the night of the Munich Putsch (also referred to as the Beer Hall Putsch), there were 55,000 members of the NSDAP. At 8:30 that evening, Rudolf Hess was with Hitler when they went into Bürgerbräukeller, which was already surrounded by a force of 600 Sturmabteilung (SA) under Hermann Göring. Hitler took the podium, interrupted the speech of von Kahr, and announced “The National Revolution has begun” “… The government of the November criminals and the Reich President are declared to be removed. A new national government will be named this very day in Munich. A new German National Army will be formed immediately. …The task of the provisional German National Government is to organize the march on that sinful Babel, Berlin, and save the German people! Tomorrow will find either a National Government in Germany or us dead”

I am going to fulfill the vow I made to myself five years ago when I was a blind cripple in the military hospital – to know neither rest nor peace until the November criminals had been overthrown, until on the ruins of the wretched Germany of today there should have arisen once more a Germany of power and greatness, of freedom and splendor.”

The crowd in the beer hall roared their approval and sang “Deutschland über Alles.” Hitler was excited. Was this turning into a night of conquest for him? Tomorrow he might actually be head of Germany. Hitler planned to use Munich as a base for a big march against Germany’s Weimar Republic government. But it was not to be.

In the early morning hours of November 9, 1923, Kahr and General Lossow broke their promise to Hitler and General Ludendorff. General Lossow ordered the Army into Munich to put down the uprising. Troops were rushed in and by dawn the War Ministry building containing Ernst Röhm and his SA troops were surrounded.

Hitler was up all night trying to decide what to do. General Ludendorff then gave him an idea. They would march into the middle of Munich and take it over. Because of his World War I fame, Ludendorff reasoned, no one would dare fire on him. He even assured Hitler the police and the Army would likely join them. Hitler went for the idea.

At 11am, a group of three thousand NSDAP, led by Hitler, Göring, Hess and Ludendorff marched toward the center of Munich. Carrying one of the flags was a young party member named Heinrich Himmler. They headed toward the War Ministry building but encountered a blockade of police. As they stood face to face with a hundred armed policemen, Hitler yelled out to them to surrender. They didn’t. Shots rang out. Both sides fired. It lasted about a minute. Sixteen NSDAP and three police were killed. Göring was hit in the groin. Hitler suffered a dislocated shoulder when the man he had locked arms with was shot and dragged Hitler down to the ground.

Adolf Hitler’s bodyguard from 1920 to 1923, Ulrich Graf, shielded Hitler with his body. He received several bullet wounds (he recovered), and possibly saved Hitler’s life. Hitler then got away into a waiting car. The rest of the NSDAP scattered or were arrested. General Ludendorff, true to his heroic form, walked right through the line of fire to the police, and was then arrested.

Hitler wound up at the home of his friends, the Hanfstaengls. He spent two nights in the attic. On the third night, police arrived and arrested him. He was taken to the prison at Landsberg where his spirits lifted somewhat after he was told he was going to get a public trial. With the monumental failure of the Munich Putsch, it now seemed certain that the political career of Adolf Hitler had come to an end.

Adolf Hitler was sentenced to five years, but yet somehow served only nine months. Rudolf Hess was sentenced to eighteen months, and served almost eight months. While they were together for seven months in Landsberg prison, Hess acted as Hitler’s private secretary. Most importantly, he transcribed and helped to edit Mein Kampf. Hess and Hitler were visited in prison at least eight times by Professor Haushofer, who always stayed with his pupil Rudolf the whole morning and afternoon. It was during this time Hitler told Hess it would take between seven and twelve years for the NSDAP to try again to form a new government for Germany. Adolf Hitler was correct; it would take just over eight years.

On January 2, 1925, Hess was released from prison (two weeks after Hitler). He then served for several years as the personal secretary for Hitler, without any official rank in the NSDAP. Rudolf Hess always kept flying after he became a pilot in World War I. He competed in many aerial races and helped the NSDAP when he flew banners and buzzed other rallies. After Charles Lindbergh completed the first solo nonstop flight across the Atlantic on May 20-21, 1927 (west to east), Hess wanted to be the first to solo across the Atlantic going from east to west. On December 20, 1927, Rudolf Hess married Ilse Pröhl, a 27-year-old from Hannover. They had one son, Wolf Rüdiger Hess (November 18, 1937 – October 24, 2001).

As a result of the failed Munich Putsch, the NSDAP and its affiliated organizations were banned in Bavaria. On January 4, 1925, in a meeting with Prime Minister of Bavaria, Heinrich Held, Hitler agreed to respect the authority of the state; he would only seek political power through the democratic process. The meeting paved the way for the ban on the NSDAP to be lifted. However, Hitler was barred from public speaking for two more years. Finally, in January of 1927, Saxony lifted this ban, and on March 5, 1927, the authorities in Bavaria conceded, and allowed Hitler to speak.

The continued success of Hilter’s book, Mein Kampf, helped the NSDAP once again grow and became a political force within Germany. Between September 1930 and March 1933 the NSDAP voting percentage went from 18.3% to 43.9%; total votes went from 6,409,600 to 17,277,180. Their Reichstag seats increased from 107 to 288.

In January 1932, as a reward for his now dozen years of loyal and dedicated service, Hitler appointed Hess: Chairman of the Central Political Commission of the NSDAP; and SS General. Rudolf Hess was given the prominence he most rightly deserved.

On January 30, 1933, after a 13-year struggle, Adolf Hitler was finally appointed as Chancellor of Germany. He soon transformed the Weimar Republic into the Third Reich. The world was in the middle of the Great Depression, including Germany, with an unemployment rate of almost 30%. On March 17, 1933, Hjalmar Schacht became president of the central bank, and in August 1934, became finance minister. Schacht kept interest rates at zero and government budget deficits high, with massive public works projects. Once unburdened of usury, the German economy started to take off (and not on the misconception of a war economy, that didn’t occur till the late 1930’s). Within three years the unemployment rate in German had fallen to under 5%, and the by the next year, 1937, there was a labor shortage. The German economic turnaround was soon the envy of the world. This kind of financial model could not be allowed.

… The elimination of unemployment in Germany during the Great Depression without inflation — and with initial reliance on essential civilian activities — was a signal accomplishment. It has rarely been praised and not much remarked. The notion that Hitler could do no good extends to his economics as it does, more plausibly, to all else.”

~ John Kenneth Galbrait

The International bankers, better than anyone, knew just how successful a system without usury would be. So, preemptively on March 24, 1933, they started World War II; with Judea Declares War on Germany – Jews of the World Unite in Action. Their aim was the total destruction of Germany. This barbaric strategy of annihilation was done as a lesson to any future government thinking of freeing its citizens of the evil usury.

The nation does not live for the sake of the economic system, and the economic system does not exist for the sake of capital. On the contrary, capital is the servant of the economic system and the economic system is the servant of the people.”

~ Adolf Hitler

The following is a short history of why every religion, but Judaism, was against usury. Central bank usury control caused the US Constitution (when we already had a much superior Articles of Confederation) to get their First Bank Of The United States in 1791. They were given a 20-year charter. When their 20-year charter was up in 1811, the Jeffersonian Democrats prevented its charter from being renewed. So the Rothschild bankers summoned their mercenaries (the British army and navy) to teach us a lesson, the War of 1812. We learned the lesson the hard way, and in 1816, they got their Second Bank Of The United States, again with a 20-year charter. When Andrew Jackson was elected in 1828, saying he would kill the bank, the bankers tried everything to stop him; they created the 1833 recession; had him censured in 1834; and a failed (both guns misfired) assassination attempt on January 30, 1835. It didn’t work, Jackson killed the bank in 1836, when their 20-year charter was not renewed. During the American Civil War, Abraham Lincoln created Greenbacks instead of the 24% to 36% usury the Wall Street bankers wanted to charge, and he was assassinated on Good Friday 1865. On December 23, 1913 the Rothschild bankers finally got their third central bank, the Federal Reserve Bank. The Federal Reserve Act of 1913 originally had a 20-year charter. But on February 25, 1927, the McFadden Pepper Act was signed into law. It made the Federal Reserve’s power over our monetary policy perpetual. Today, only an act of the US congress can dissolve the Federal Reserve Banks. On June 4, 1963, President John F. Kennedy created United States Treasury Notes, known as Silver Certificates, with Executive Order 11110, and he was assassinated on November 22, 1963. This assassination was 53 years to the day (November 22, 1910) of the meeting on Jekyll Island that created the Federal Reserve Bank. Jesus began his three and a half year ministry in Jerusalem by driving the corrupt moneychangers from the Temple. He also ended His ministry by attacking the same thieves. It was the only time that Jesus used force. Within a short while, Jesus Christ was nailed to a cross. So, when Adolf Hitler takes their banks, and created his own German currency, of course they declared war on him. They also created a worldwide boycott of all German goods. The goal was really quite simple; Germany had to be completely destroyed.

After visiting these two places (Berchtesgaden and the Eagle’s lair on Obersalzberg), you can easily understand how that within a few years Hitler will emerge from the hatred that surrounds him now as one of the most significant figures who ever lived. He had boundless ambitions for his country which rendered him a menace to the peace of the world, but he had a mystery about him in the way that he lived and in the manner of his death that will live and grow after him. He had in him the stuff of which legends are made.”

~ John F. Kennedy

On April 21, 1933, Adolf Hitler awards Deputy to the Führer to Rudolf Hess. This was a prestigious award; he was now officially one of a handful of leaders under Hitler. Rudolf was quite busy for the next eight years with his job as the Chairman of the Central Political Commission of the NSDAP. He was an intelligent and honorable ambassador who projected a wonderful image for both the Party and for Germany. With Germany having both the 1936 Winter Olympic Games in Garmisch-Partenkirchen and the 1936 Summer Olympic Games in Berlin (this is the last time the same country was host to both Olympics the same year), Hess became acquainted with many political leaders and royalty throughout Europe and the world. Those who worked for him (even those who were arrested after his flight for peace) thought he was thoroughly honest and represented Germany with courage, dignity and honor.

Rudolf Hess passionately introduces Hitler in, Triumph of the Will (Triumph des Willens); a film made by Leni Riefenstahl, released in 1935, and introduced many new cinematic achievements. It chronicles the September 5 to 10, 1934, NSDAP Congress in Nuremberg, which was attended by more than 700,000 supporters. The film contains parts of speeches by leaders, including Hitler, edited together with massed party members. Hitler commissioned the film and served as an executive producer; his name appears in the opening titles. The theme of the film is the return of Germany as a great power.

On June 18, 1935, The Anglo-German Naval Agreement (AGNA) allowed German tonnage to increase to 35% of that of the British navy. Hitler called the signing of the AGNA “the happiest day of his life”, as he believed the agreement marked the beginning of the Anglo-German alliance he had predicted in Mein Kampf. Peace with Britain.

On October 18, 1936, Hermann Göring was put in charge of the Four Year Plan. Göring had complete control over the economy, including the private sector. Hitler told Göring to have Germany prepared to defend herself within four years against the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). Hitler, who rarely ever wrote anything down, wrote the “Four-Year Plan Memorandum” personally. Doing this indicates that he had something exceptionally important to say. Hitler wrote: “Since the outbreak of the French Revolution, the world has been moving with ever increasing speed toward a new conflict, the most extreme solution of which is called Bolshevism, whose essence and aim, however, are solely the elimination of those strata of mankind which have hitherto provided the leadership and their replacement by worldwide Jewry. No state will be able to withdraw or even remain at a distance from this historical conflict. It is not the aim of this memorandum to prophesy the time when the untenable situation in Europe will become an open crisis. I only want, in these lines, to set down my conviction that this crisis cannot and will not fail to arrive and that it is Germany’s duty to secure her own existence by every means in face of this catastrophe, and to protect herself against it, and that from this compulsion there arises a series of conclusions relating to the most important tasks that our people have ever been set. For a victory of Bolshevism over Germany would not lead to a Versailles treaty, but to the final destruction, indeed the annihilation of the German people.” Adolf Hitler was prophetically correct with this analysis; it would later be called the Morgenthau plan.

On March 12, 1938, Hitler declared the unification (Anschluss) of Austria with Germany. Hundreds of thousands of Austrians turned out to welcome the Germans. Austria was still in the Depression, with very high unemployment. With help from Germany this problem was turned around, within two years there was full employment.

The Munich Agreement was signed in the early hours of September 30, 1938, (yet dated September 29). It allowed Germany to annex the Sudetenland. Ethnic Germans mainly inhabited this area of Czechoslovakia. The agreement was negotiated at a conference in Munich, Germany, and signed by Germany, Britain, France and Italy.

Rudolf Hess stated that German intelligence had learned airfields were being built inside Czechoslovakia. These airfields were to be used by the USSR for their fighters and bombers against Germany. To end this, on March 15, 1939, German troops entered into Czechoslovakia. Later that same day, Hitler was in Prague with his troops.

Under the Treaty of Versailles, Germany was forced to give up a few land areas to surrounding countries. One of these was Danzig, a port city on the Baltic Sea with a population of 408,000. The people of Danzig were overwhelmingly German, about 97%.

In 1937 Hitler asked Poland to give Germany a one-mile access to their province in East Prussia. Both parties agreed, then Poland suddenly broke off all negotiations. On October 6, 1938, the Hitler peace plan, based on a German victory in Poland, is rejected by Britain and France. On October 24, 1938, Germany started 10 months of peaceful negotiations with Poland, for the return of Danzig and a corridor for an Autobahn route and railroad, to go through western Poland to connect East Prussia with Germany.

“Poland wants war with Germany and Germany will not be able to avoid it even if she wants to.” (Polish Marshal Rydz-Smigly as reported in the Daily Mail, August 6th, 1939)

Ten months of negotiations in good faith went nowhere. This is because pressure from Sir Winston Leonard Spencer-Churchill and his warmongers was applied to Poland. They were not to give in to any German negotiations for Danzig. On March 31, 1939, Britain initiated the Anglo-Polish military alliance (joined by France), which guaranteed Poland’s defense. They created their pretext to start World War II. Now all they had to do was make sure Hitler would react.

In the months leading up to September 1, 1939, in dozens of incidents, thousands of German Nationals in the Danzig corridor were brutally murdered. Some claim the Polish Bolsheviks killed 58,000 German Nationals in the Danzig corridor. Whatever the true numbers are, one thing is for certain, Germany was deliberately being provoked to enter Danzig. What country would let these atrocities happen to their own people?

On September 1, 1939, Adolf Hitler announces his successors, Hermann Göring and Rudolf Hess. Hess is now officially the number three person in the Third Reich. For Hess this must have been the most esteemed honor that could ever be bestowed upon him. That Adolf Hitler thought he was responsible and capable of leading Germany.

On September 1, 1939, Germany invades Poland to liberate Dazing.

On September 2, 1939, Germany annexed the Free City of Danzig. Adolf Hitler advised Britain and France that he would withdraw, if allowed to keep Danzig and the corridor.

On September 3, 1939, Hitler received his answer back. Britain and France declared war on Germany for invading Poland (Danzig and the corridor). I do find it quite noteworthy to state, that World War II was started on the pretext to protect and keep Poland free. Yet on September 17, 1939, the USSR entered Poland from the east and war is not declared on them by Britain, nor by France. And at the end of the war, a thoroughly ravaged Poland was given to the USSR. This contradiction plainly shows to the world just how disingenuous and hollow the pretext was to start World War II.

This war thrusts us years back in our constructive work. It is deplorable. I have not indeed become the Chancellor of the Greater German Reich in order to conduct war!”

~ Adolf Hitler (1940)

On May 10, 1940, Sir Winston Churchill became Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. On May 11, 1940, Britain (Churchill) made a fateful decision in its approach to fighting World War II. That night, eighteen Whitley bombers attacked railway installations in the western German province of Westphalia, far from the war front. That forgotten bombing raid, which in itself was inconsequential, has been called “the first deliberate breach of the fundamental rule of civilized warfare that hostilities must only be waged against the enemy combatant forces” J. M. Spaight, who had been principal secretary of Britain’s Air Ministry, wrote later, in his book Bombing Vindicated (1944), that “it was we who started the strategic [i.e., civilian] bombing offensive” with the “splendid decision” of May 11, 1940. Churchill broke this fundamental rule that hostilities must only be waged against the enemy combatant forces within 24 hours of becoming Prime Minister. He kept doing these illegal, immoral, savage, terrorist air strikes on German civilians. Part of the British barbaric bombing strategy was apparently to provoke German attacks on Britain in order to stimulate support for war against Germany. Hitler didn’t retaliate. He did try to tell the world of this new terrorism on civilians.

The Battle of Dunkirk (also known thanks to Churchill’s spin, as the Miracle of Dunkirk) occurred from May 26 to June 4, 1940. On May 24th Hitler ordered the army to stop for three days. These three days gave the Allies time to organize an evacuation and helped them to build a defensive line. Some 338,000 Allied troops that were surrounded by German forces escaped. This was indeed an enormous gesture from Hitler that Germany wanted peace with Britain. On February 26, 1945, Hitler lamented that Churchill was “quite unable to appreciate the sporting spirit” in which he had refrained from annihilating the BEF [British Expeditionary Force] at Dunkirk.

On August 1, 1940, Adolf Hitler issued No. 17 Directive: On the conduct of air war against Britain, Hitler, specifically prohibited the Luftwaffe from conducting terror raids on its own initiative. The war against Britain is to be restricted to destructive attacks against industry and air force targets that have weak defensive forces. The most thorough study of the target concerned, that is vital points of the target, is a pre-requisite for success. It is also stressed that every effort should be made to avoid unnecessary loss of life amongst the civilian population. Hitler is still taking the high road by doing this, while Churchill is still terrorizing German civilians with air strikes.

Both Hitler and Hess wanted peace between Germany and Britain. They talked about this subject on many occasions over their twenty years together. In 1940 Hess initiated a Hitler endorsed peace plan between Germany and Britain through royalty and diplomatic channels in neutral Switzerland. These peace efforts with Britain failed.

Rudolf Hess soon thought of another way to try and bring a peace between Germany and Britain. He asked his friend, Wilhelm Emil “Willy” Messerschmitt for a plane to fly. Messerschmitt gave him a new Me 110. Rudolf trained with this plane out of Augsburg, till he knew it well. On May 4, 1941, Hess and Hitler talked for 30 minutes and Hess asked Hitler if he still wanted peace with Britain, Hitler said he did (this is the last time they were ever together). Hess was finally ready to fly for peace. He asked Messerschmitt for extra fuel tanks and a few other improvements to be installed on his Me 110. He ordered daily weather reports for his flight. He waited to coincide with a large air strike to piggyback on their signal for guidance. He ordered an expensive German aviator suit. He even made one false flight, flying for two hours till the weather suddenly worsened and he had to return. Hess spent a long time writing two letters to Adolf Hitler, one short and one fourteen pages, about his flight for peace.

On May 10, 1941, Rudolf Hess knew this was going to be the day of his flight, so he lovingly played with his son (Wolf Rüdiger Hess) for hours. He got dressed and ready and took a car to Ausburg airfield. Everything was a go for the flight. His Me 110 was unarmed. Ever since Hess received his plane, he never had it armed. Hess was on a mission of peace. He lifted off at 5:40pm on route to Scotland. His courageous flight for peace was under way.

This is a part of the letter Hess left behind for his wife and son: “My dear ones, I firmly believe that I shall return from the flight I am about to make and that the flight will be crowned with success. Should I not return, however, the goal I set myself was worth the supreme effort. I am sure you all know me: you know I could not have acted any other way. Your Rudolf”

At 10:08pm Hess’s Me 110 was picked up on Edinburgh (Scotland) radar. He was trying to find a place to land. He was looking for the estate of the Duke of Hamilton, when the radar lost him at 11:07pm just south of Glasglow. Hess’s flight was approximately 900 miles, he went north till he reached the North Sea, then went west towards Scotland. He navigated to within miles of the Duke’s residence. Hess parachuted out at about 6,000 feet, and his plane crashed. He injured his ankle on landing and was soon discovered. When found Hess said: “I have an important message for the Duke of Hamilton.” Hess and the Duke had met during the 1936 Olympics Games in Berlin. The police inventory indicated that Rudolf Hess was carrying a letter to HM King George VI.

Was Hitler concerned about these peace negotiations? He didn’t want a war on two fronts, and he wanted to order Operation Barbarossa (the invasion of the USSR) as early as possible, hopefully in mid May 1941. Operation Barbarossa did not commence until June 22, 1941. This five-week delay was a primary factor, along with the vastly underestimated USSR forces, which ultimately proved to be fatal. This was a tragic blunder for German Intelligence. On June 4, 1942, Hitler talks about this horrendous miscalculation, in the Hitler – Mannerheim conversation. The conversation was secretly recorded for 11 minutes. It is the only existing recording of Hitler in a normal voice.

On May 10, 1941, London received its heaviest German air attack (Blitzkrieg) ever. With 1,436 people killed and 12,000 made homeless. The Houses of Parliament was struck, The Commons debating chamber, the symbol of British democracy, was destroyed.

May 10, 1941, was also the day of the last major Blitzkrieg on Britain. The Hess flight for peace and the last major Blitzkrieg on Britain to occur on the same day is not a coincidence. Germany wanted peace with Britain.

The Hess flight for peace actually did bring peace. It brought peace from German air strikes on Britain, and soon thereafter Churchill inexplicably instructed Sir Charles Portal, Chief of the Air Staff, to greatly reduce the bombing attacks on Germany.

But when it came to Rudolf Hess, Winston Churchill had no qualms about illegally (he came to Britain in good will as an ambassador for peace, and / or for medical reasons) keeping him a prisoner of war in Britain for the next 53 months. “… I approved the War Office proposal to bring Hess to the Tower [of London] by tonight pending his place of confinement being prepared at Aldershot. His treatment will become less indulgent as time goes on. There need be no hurry about interviewing him, and I wish to be informed before any visitors are allowed. He is to be kept in the strictest seclusion, and those in charge of him should refrain from conversation. The public will not stand any pampering except for intelligence purposes with this notorious war criminal.” Prime Minister’s [Churchill] Personal Minute, May 16, 1941, Serial No. M550/1

On May 22, 1941, Churchill told the House of Commons that he was not yet in a position to make a statement regarding Rudolf Hess and was not even sure when he would be able to make a statement. This is Churchill being audacious, cunning and evading; and thoroughly getting away with it. Were all the British politicians cowards?

My coming to England in this way is, as I realize, so unusual that nobody will easily understand it. I was confronted by a very hard decision. I do not think I could have arrived at my final choice unless I had continually kept before my eyes the vision of an endless line of children’s coffins with weeping mothers behind them, both English and German, and another line of coffins of mothers with mourning children.”

~ Rudolf Hess (June 10, 1941)

I recommend a wonderful and free book on Hess during the war years of 1941 to 1945: Hess: The Missing Years by David Irving – Thank you David for making this book free.

In August of 1944, Treasury Secretary Henry R. Morgenthau Jr. (Jewish), submitted his malevolent plan, the Morgenthau plan, for post-war treatment of German leaders to President Franklin D. Roosevelt. He proposes shooting many leaders upon capture, using German POWs to rebuild Europe, and tearing down industry and remaking Germany as an agricultural society. During the Second Quebec Conference held from September 12 to 16, 1944, Roosevelt and Morgenthau persuaded an unenthusiastic Churchill to agree to the Morgenthau plan. Churchill held out until he got what he came for, another $6 billion from the Lend Lease agreement.

On November 6, 1944, Winston Churchill made a visit to Moscow, the capital of the USSR. Whilst at a State dinner at the Kremlin, Joseph Stalin raised his glass and proposed a toast to the ingenious British Intelligence Services, which he said had “inveigled Hess into coming to England.” Churchill immediately protested that he and the intelligence services knew nothing about the proposed visit. Stalin smiled and said “maybe the intelligence services failed to tell you about the operation.”

History is not ended. It will sooner or later take up the threads apparently broken off forever and knit them together in a new pattern.”

~ Rudolf Hess (June 18, 1945)

When World War II ended, Germany was in total ruin. But it was to get even worse. Within a few years 15,000,000+ Germans and ethnic German civilians were cleansed, with 9,000,000+ murdered by starvation and disease. This was deliberate allied policy. It was the evil Morgenthau plan of merciless retribution in action for all to see. This behavior is exactly what Adolf Hitler warned about in the autumn of 1936 when he wrote the Four-Year Plan Memorandum “… but to the final destruction, indeed the annihilation of the German people …” Three painfully insightful books on this are: Gruesome Harvest, Crimes and Mercies and Hellstorm: The Death Of Nazi Germany, 1944-1947. The unfortunate German soldiers, who had been captured, were killed by starvation, lack of medicine and the elements in concentration camps. Up to 1,700,000 German prisoners of war died while under United States supervision. These killings were supervised by the Supreme Allied Commander, General Dwight D. Eisenhower. General Eisenhower prohibited German people from sharing their rations with detained German soldiers. [How did Eisenhower who was General Douglas MacArthur’s secretary, became the Supreme Allied Commander? Especially when General MacArthur felt Eisenhower was incompetent. How within 45 months did he bypass hundreds of officers with higher rank? Here are his unbelievable military promotions, with help from the warmonger Bernard Baruch (Jewish): March 11, 1941 – Colonel, October 3, 1941 – Brigadier General (1 Star), March 28, 1942 – Major General (2 Stars), July 9, 1942 – Lieutenant General (3 Stars), February 11, 1943 – General (4 Stars) and December 20, 1944 – General of the Army (5 Stars). Eisenhower was a 1915 West Point graduate, while there he was known as, The Terrible Swedish Jew. Ike sure did live up to his first nickname].

On October 8, 1945, Rudolf Hess left Britain for the last time. He was flown to the International Military Tribunal in Nüremberg. It was there that Hess, along with other 23 other top German leaders, would be tried. On October 18, 1945, the chief prosecutors of the International Military Tribunal read the indictments against 24 leading German officials. The initial trial was held from November 20, 1945 to October 1, 1946. His judges were from the USSR, Britain, France and the United States. It is worthy to note, that the majority of the lawyers and support staff at this Stalin like show trial, I mean International Military Tribunal, were Jewish. The main judge on this tribunal from the USSR, Major-General Iona Nikitchenko, also presided over many of the most notorious of Joseph Stalin’s show trials during the Great Purges of 1936 to 1938.

United States Senator Robert Taft condemned the postwar Nuremberg Trials as “victor’s justice” in which the people who won the war were the prosecutors, the judges and the alleged victims, all at the same time. Taft condemned the trials as a violation of the most basic principles of American justice and internationally accepted standards of justice. United States Senator John F. Kennedy in his best-selling book, Profiles in Courage, applauded Taft’s principled stand. Kennedy did this in the face of immense criticism.

The defense counsel for Hess requested that a psychiatrist from neutral Switzerland should examine him. The request was denied. Psychiatrists from all four victorious allied countries examined Hess. There were eight doctors; three from USSR, three from Britain, one French and one from the United States. Seven of the eight who examined Hess agreed he was fit to stand trial. The eighth, was none other than the personal doctor of Winston Churchill, Lord Moran, who claimed Hess was too ill to stand trial, and should be handed back to Britain. Why would Churchill order such a blatantly preposterous decision? Did he want Hess back in Britain so bad he did not care what it looked like? Why would you want to draw more attention to these trials that were already looked upon with much contempt throughout the world?

Jackson [Robert Jackson, the chief United States prosecutor at Nuremberg] is away conducting his high-grade lynching party in Nuremberg,” he wrote. ” … I hate to see the pretense that he is running a court and proceeding according to common law. This is a little too sanctimonious a fraud to meet my old-fashioned ideas.”

~ US Supreme Court Chief Justice Harlan Fiske Stone (Harlan Stone was the first Chief Justice not to have served in elected office before becoming Chief Justice.)

The following quote is the last statement by Rudolf Hess to the International Military Tribunal in Nüremberg on August 31, 1946:

I do not propose to argue about charges that are concerned with the internal affairs of Germany, with which foreigners have no right to interfere. I make no complaints about statements, the aim of which is to discredit and dishonor myself and the entire German people. I regard such statements coming from enemies as confirmations of our honor. It has been my privilege to serve for many years under the greatest son to whom my people have given birth in its thousand years of history. Even if it were possible for me to do so, I would never wish to wipe this period of service out of my life. It fills me with happiness to know that I did my duty toward my people. I regret nothing. Whatever men may do to me, the day will come when I will stand before the judgment seat of the Eternal: to Him I will give an account of my actions, and I know that He will pronounce me innocent.”

On September 30 and October 1, 1946, the sentences were pronounced. Hess was found guilty of crimes against peace and of conspiracy. He was found innocent of war crimes and crimes against humanity. The International Military Tribunal in Nüremberg compromised when they sentenced Hess to solitary confinement for life. The USSR judge and his alternate wanted him executed (hung). The American and British judges and the American and French alternates wanted a sentence of life, the French judge wanted a sentence of twenty years. The British alternate shamelessly abstained.

The appeals of the condemned for pardons, were rejected. The death sentences, by hanging, were carried out in the early hours of October 16, 1946. Hermann Göring committed suicide before his scheduled execution.

I thought at the time and still think that the Nuremberg trials were unprincipled. Law was created ex post facto to suit the passion and clamor of the time.”

~ Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas

On July 18, 1947, Rudolf Hess and his six fellow prisoners, all former top German officials, were flown from Nuremberg to West Berlin, West Germany, and Spandau prison, under heavy security. For the next 40 years at Spandau, Hess was known and spoken to only as prisoner #7. In 1966 the last two prisoners, Baldur von Schirach and Albert Speer, were released after serving their 20-year sentences. Hess was alone. He spent the last 21 years all by himself, in Spandau, a prison built for 600 prisoners.

Keeping Hess in Spandau by himself cost the West German government approximately 850,000 Marks a year. All four of the allied powers had to provide an officer and 37 soldiers during their shifts, as well as a director and team of wardens throughout the entire year. The permanent maintenance staff of 22 included cooks, waitresses and cleaners. It took almost 200 people to keep in prison one man, a brave man who wanted peace. Over the decades it became more and more overtly obscene. This was torture; they were trying to dehumanize Hess with solitary confinement.

When his wife or son visited Rudolf, they were not allowed to touch each other. In 1950, a French chaplain, Pastor Casalis, complained, to the prison Directorate: “It can safely be said that Spandau has become a place of mental torture to an extent that does not permit the Christian conscience to remain silent …”

I am convinced that God will sometime really come to us, conquer Lucifer and bring peace to tortured humanity.”

~ Rudolf Hess (July 1947)

In this next quote, Churchill sure is reflecting, reflecting blame from himself “I am glad not to be responsible for the way in which Hess has been and is being treated” while demeaning the Hess peace plan “frantic deed of lunatic benevolence”. Churchill was the person responsible for keeping Hess, “quality of an envoy”, a prisoner in Britain for 53 months. If Hess was “a medical and not a criminal case” The International Red Cross should have demanded that Britain in accordance with the Geneva and Hague Conventions (which Britain should have done on their own) let Hess go back to Germany under medical conditions. Churchill told Stalin that Hess was mentally ill but this was to be kept secret otherwise under the terms of the Geneva Convention, he would have to be repatriated. Churchill has 3 lies, 1 demean, all in 1 quote.

Reflecting upon the whole of the story, I am glad not to be responsible for the way in which Hess has been and is being treated. Whatever may be the moral guilt of a German who stood near to Hitler, Hess had, in my view, atoned for this by his completely devoted and frantic deed of lunatic benevolence. He came to us of his own free will, and, though without authority, had something of the quality of an envoy. He was a medical and not a criminal case, and should be so regarded.”

~ Winston Churchill (1950)

[Churchill helped bring the United States into World War I with the false flag sinking of HMS Lusitania and was the head cheerleader in Britain / Europe to create World War II]

Lieutenant Colonel Eugene K. Bird was the US Commandant of the Spandau Allied Prison from 1964 to 1972. Hess met Bird and over the years, and after many hundreds of hours of discussion between the two men, they developed a friendship, and a book about the flight for peace began to develop. In March 1971, Bird’s superiors at the U.S. Mission in Berlin became aware of the manuscript and proposed book. Bird was interrogated, placed under house arrest, and eventually made to resign his position as Commandant of Spandau Prison. This episode also ended his long military career. Bird and his family relocated to Germany in order to complete his book about Hess. The Loneliest Man in the World, was published in 1974.

Rudolf Hess was the only one of the defendants from the International Military Tribunal in Nüremberg found guilty, to serve the full life term. Of the four powers that had won the war against Germany, three, the USSR, France and the United States, proposed that due to his age, Hess should be released on humanitarian grounds. The British government under Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, said no. This callus and malicious decision to a man in his nineties, a man who spent 46 years, half his life in prison, leaves one bewildered. What was true motive that made Britain act like this?

On August 17, 1987, Rudolf Hess, 93 years of age, was murdered at Spandau Prison, West Berlin, West Germany. His son, Wolf Rüdiger Hess, investigated his Father’s murder for many years. The following are two of his quotes and one of Lieutenant Colonel Eugene K. Bird, Commandant of the Spandau Allied Prison from 1964 to 1972.

Rudolf Hess did not commit suicide on August 17, 1987, as the British government claims. The weight of evidence shows instead that British officials, acting on high-level orders, murdered my father.”

~ Wolf Rüdiger Hess

The same government, which tried to make him a scapegoat for its crimes, and which for almost half a century resolutely sought to suppress the truth of the Hess affair, finally did not shrink from murder to silence him. My father’s murder was not only a crime against a frail and elderly man, but a crime against historical truth. It was a logical final act of an official British conspiracy that began in 1941, at the outset of the Hess affair. But I can assure them, and you, that this conspiracy will not succeed. The murder of my father will not, as they hope, forever close the book on the Hess file. I am convinced that history and justice will absolve my father. His courage in risking his life for peace, the long injustice he endured, and his martyrdom, will not be forgotten. He will be vindicated, and his final words at the Nuremberg trial, “I regret nothing!,” will stand forever”

~ Wolf Rüdiger Hess

I was suspicious for several reasons… after all, Hess who had been held in Spandau for almost 40 years was by then 93-years-old and fragile. I doubted he had the strength to kill himself with a cord which was not attached at both ends to anything.”

~ Lieutenant Colonel Eugene K. Bird, on the death of Rudolf Hess

On July 20, 2011, the remains of Rudolf Hess were exhumed, cremated and strewn at sea, along with his wife and parents. His gravesite, which became a shrine for peace, is forever gone. His gravestone, which bore the epitaph “Ich hab’s gewagt” “I Dared”, was destroyed. So, this is what it has come down to, the warmongers realizing that Hess is the poster boy for peace, have made a concerted effort to make him disappear. Being done on July 20th, is on purpose and meant to send a clear message. On July 20, 1944, an attempt was made to assassinate Hitler, at Wolf’s Lair field headquarters.

The enemy of peace has laid its soul to bare by what it did to Rudolf Hess for the last 46 years of his life. Then, 24 years after his murder, they cunningly try to erase him from history, by having his remains exhumed, cremated and scattered at sea. This vengeful overreaching has lifted the veil and shown us the evil we are dealing with. Thank you Deputy Führer Rudolf Hess for having lived your life with honesty and dignity. By doing this, you made the parasitical warmongers show their demonic hand to us all. You are, and will remain throughout history, a courageous hero for peace.

I do not propose to argue about charges that are concerned with the internal affairs of Germany, with which foreigners have no right to interfere. I make no complaints about statements, the aim of which is to discredit and dishonor myself and the entire German people. I regard such statements coming from enemies as confirmations of our honor. It has been my privilege to serve for many years under the greatest son to whom my people have given birth in its thousand years of history. Even if it were possible for me to do so, I would never wish to wipe this period of service out of my life. It fills me with happiness to know that I did my duty toward my people. I regret nothing. Whatever men may do to me, the day will come when I will stand before the judgment seat of the Eternal: to Him I will give an account of my actions, and I know that He will pronounce me innocent.”

~ Last statement by Rudolf Hess to the International Military Tribunal in Nüremberg (August 31, 1946)

Rudolf Walter Richard Hess, the eldest of four children, was born in Alexandria, Egypt on April 26, 1894. His father Fritz H. Hess, was from Wunsiedel in the Fichtelgebirge region of Germany and his mother Clara Hess, was of Greek origin. His father ran Hess & Co., a successful wholesaler and exporter. The Hess family lived quite well, in a big house with a beautiful garden on the Mediterranean coast. They also owned another home in Reicholdsgrün, in Bavaria, where they regularly spent their summer holidays. Rudolf Hess had an excellent education throughout these years in Egypt. In 1900, he was sent to the German school in Alexandria. This was enhanced with a couple of years of private tutoring. His Mother Clara taught him much about the ways of life and gave young Rudolf a love and wonderment for the constellations.

In 1908, the Hess family moved back to Germany. Rudolf now fourteen years old, is enrolled as a boarder at the Protestant School in Bad Godesberg. In 1911 under pressure from his father to carry on the family enterprise, Rudolf went to study business for a year at the Ecole Supérieure de Commerce, in Neuchâtel, Switzerland.

On July 28, 1914, World War I broke out in Europe. Soon after Rudolf enlisted in the 1st Bavarian Field Artillery Regiment. He become an infantryman, was wounded twice and was awarded the Iron Cross, second class. The severity of his second wound, a chest and lung wound, was enough to prevent his return to the front lines. So, Rudolf transferred and learned to fly at the Imperial Air Corps. He was a fighter pilot in 35th Jagdstaffel on the western front for the last couple months of the war. Rudolf Hess reached the rank of lieutenant.

In the summer of 1919 Hess first meets Professor Karl Ernst Haushofer and is impressed by him. That fall he enrolled in the University of Munich where he studied geopolitics, political science and history under Professor Haushofer. The Professor becomes both a mentor and good friend. The two families become close, with Rudolf and Haushofer’s son Albrecht developing a strong friendship.

In May of 1920, at a Munich rally, Rudolf Hess first hears Adolf Hitler give a speech. Hess is captivated right away with an admiration for Adolf Hitler that never leaves him. On July 1, 1920, Rudolf Hess became the sixteenth member that joined the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP).

Rudolf Hess spent much of his time and effort for the next several years organizing for the NSDAP locally in Bavaria. He introduced Hitler at many NSDAP rallies and functions. In the spring of 1921, he brought together Hitler and Professor Haushofer. Adolf Hitler found the geopolitical theories of Professor Haushofer intriguing and worthy. Hitler began interweaving more and more of his material into speeches. National Socialism started to grow quickly in Bavaria, and soon over all of Germany. On July 29, 1921, Adolf Hitler becomes leader of the NSDAP.

The Treaty of Versailles required Germany to accept responsibility for causing World War I. The total cost of the war reparations was assessed at 132 billion German Marks. In April 1921, England and France billed Germany for World War I. They demanded reparations of 33 Billion Dollars. Before the bill, 4 German Marks equaled 1 US Dollar.

In 1922, it was up to 400 Marks for 1 US Dollar. The German government pleaded for a deal. They asked for a reduction and postponement from the payments. It was refused. Germany decided to default on their payments. In 1923, it was 18,000 Marks for 1 US Dollar. In July 1923, it was 160,000, by August, 1,000,000. In September of 1923, the German government made the decision to resume making payments. It didn’t seem to matter, by November of 1923, it took 4,000,000,000 Marks for 1 US Dollar.

Most Germans lost all of their life savings. Their salaries were paid in a currency that soon became worthless. Prices were changing every day, soon it became every hour, and finally every minute. The daily grocery bill now cost billions of Marks. There was widespread hunger and riots broke out. In November of 1923, hyperinflation peaked. The time was surely ripe for a coup d’etat.

On September 26, 1923, Bavarian Prime Minister Eugen von Knilling declared a state of emergency. He appointed Gustav von Kahr the new state commissioner, with dictatorial governing powers. Together with Bavarian State Police head Colonel Hans Ritter von Seisser, and Reichswehr General Otto von Lossow, Kahr formed a triumvirate. Hitler announced that starting on September 27, 1923, he would be holding 14 mass meetings. One of Kahr’s first actions was to ban these meetings.

Adolf Hitler now knew that von Kahr sought to control him and was not ready to act against the government in Berlin. He found out that von Kahr was making a speech in front of about 3,000 people at Bürgerbräukeller, one of the largest beer halls in Munich. Hitler decided to take matters into his own hands. He felt the time was right for the NSDAP to make its move and take over Germany. He enlisted the help of World War I hero, General Erich Friedrich Wilhelm Ludendorf.

On November 8, 1923, the night of the Munich Putsch (also referred to as the Beer Hall Putsch), there were 55,000 members of the NSDAP. At 8:30 that evening, Rudolf Hess was with Hitler when they went into Bürgerbräukeller, which was already surrounded by a force of 600 Sturmabteilung (SA) under Hermann Göring. Hitler took the podium, interrupted the speech of von Kahr, and announced “The National Revolution has begun” “… The government of the November criminals and the Reich President are declared to be removed. A new national government will be named this very day in Munich. A new German National Army will be formed immediately. …The task of the provisional German National Government is to organize the march on that sinful Babel, Berlin, and save the German people! Tomorrow will find either a National Government in Germany or us dead”

I am going to fulfill the vow I made to myself five years ago when I was a blind cripple in the military hospital – to know neither rest nor peace until the November criminals had been overthrown, until on the ruins of the wretched Germany of today there should have arisen once more a Germany of power and greatness, of freedom and splendor.”

The crowd in the beer hall roared their approval and sang “Deutschland über Alles.” Hitler was excited. Was this turning into a night of conquest for him? Tomorrow he might actually be head of Germany. Hitler planned to use Munich as a base for a big march against Germany’s Weimar Republic government. But it was not to be.

In the early morning hours of November 9, 1923, Kahr and General Lossow broke their promise to Hitler and General Ludendorff. General Lossow ordered the Army into Munich to put down the uprising. Troops were rushed in and by dawn the War Ministry building containing Ernst Röhm and his SA troops were surrounded.

Hitler was up all night trying to decide what to do. General Ludendorff then gave him an idea. They would march into the middle of Munich and take it over. Because of his World War I fame, Ludendorff reasoned, no one would dare fire on him. He even assured Hitler the police and the Army would likely join them. Hitler went for the idea.

At 11am, a group of three thousand NSDAP, led by Hitler, Göring, Hess and Ludendorff marched toward the center of Munich. Carrying one of the flags was a young party member named Heinrich Himmler. They headed toward the War Ministry building but encountered a blockade of police. As they stood face to face with a hundred armed policemen, Hitler yelled out to them to surrender. They didn’t. Shots rang out. Both sides fired. It lasted about a minute. Sixteen NSDAP and three police were killed. Göring was hit in the groin. Hitler suffered a dislocated shoulder when the man he had locked arms with was shot and dragged Hitler down to the ground.

Adolf Hitler’s bodyguard from 1920 to 1923, Ulrich Graf, shielded Hitler with his body. He received several bullet wounds (he recovered), and possibly saved Hitler’s life. Hitler then got away into a waiting car. The rest of the NSDAP scattered or were arrested. General Ludendorff, true to his heroic form, walked right through the line of fire to the police, and was then arrested.

Hitler wound up at the home of his friends, the Hanfstaengls. He spent two nights in the attic. On the third night, police arrived and arrested him. He was taken to the prison at Landsberg where his spirits lifted somewhat after he was told he was going to get a public trial. With the monumental failure of the Munich Putsch, it now seemed certain that the political career of Adolf Hitler had come to an end.

Adolf Hitler was sentenced to five years, but yet somehow served only nine months. Rudolf Hess was sentenced to eighteen months, and served almost eight months. While they were together for seven months in Landsberg prison, Hess acted as Hitler’s private secretary. Most importantly, he transcribed and helped to edit Mein Kampf. Hess and Hitler were visited in prison at least eight times by Professor Haushofer, who always stayed with his pupil Rudolf the whole morning and afternoon. It was during this time Hitler told Hess it would take between seven and twelve years for the NSDAP to try again to form a new government for Germany. Adolf Hitler was correct; it would take just over eight years.

On January 2, 1925, Hess was released from prison (two weeks after Hitler). He then served for several years as the personal secretary for Hitler, without any official rank in the NSDAP. Rudolf Hess always kept flying after he became a pilot in World War I. He competed in many aerial races and helped the NSDAP when he flew banners and buzzed other rallies. After Charles Lindbergh completed the first solo nonstop flight across the Atlantic on May 20-21, 1927 (west to east), Hess wanted to be the first to solo across the Atlantic going from east to west. On December 20, 1927, Rudolf Hess married Ilse Pröhl, a 27-year-old from Hannover. They had one son, Wolf Rüdiger Hess (November 18, 1937 – October 24, 2001).

As a result of the failed Munich Putsch, the NSDAP and its affiliated organizations were banned in Bavaria. On January 4, 1925, in a meeting with Prime Minister of Bavaria, Heinrich Held, Hitler agreed to respect the authority of the state; he would only seek political power through the democratic process. The meeting paved the way for the ban on the NSDAP to be lifted. However, Hitler was barred from public speaking for two more years. Finally, in January of 1927, Saxony lifted this ban, and on March 5, 1927, the authorities in Bavaria conceded, and allowed Hitler to speak.

The continued success of Hilter’s book, Mein Kampf, helped the NSDAP once again grow and became a political force within Germany. Between September 1930 and March 1933 the NSDAP voting percentage went from 18.3% to 43.9%; total votes went from 6,409,600 to 17,277,180. Their Reichstag seats increased from 107 to 288.

In January 1932, as a reward for his now dozen years of loyal and dedicated service, Hitler appointed Hess: Chairman of the Central Political Commission of the NSDAP; and SS General. Rudolf Hess was given the prominence he most rightly deserved.

On January 30, 1933, after a 13-year struggle, Adolf Hitler was finally appointed as Chancellor of Germany. He soon transformed the Weimar Republic into the Third Reich. The world was in the middle of the Great Depression, including Germany, with an unemployment rate of almost 30%. On March 17, 1933, Hjalmar Schacht became president of the central bank, and in August 1934, became finance minister. Schacht kept interest rates at zero and government budget deficits high, with massive public works projects. Once unburdened of usury, the German economy started to take off (and not on the misconception of a war economy, that didn’t occur till the late 1930’s). Within three years the unemployment rate in German had fallen to under 5%, and the by the next year, 1937, there was a labor shortage. The German economic turnaround was soon the envy of the world. This kind of financial model could not be allowed.

… The elimination of unemployment in Germany during the Great Depression without inflation — and with initial reliance on essential civilian activities — was a signal accomplishment. It has rarely been praised and not much remarked. The notion that Hitler could do no good extends to his economics as it does, more plausibly, to all else.”

~ John Kenneth Galbrait

The International bankers, better than anyone, knew just how successful a system without usury would be. So, preemptively on March 24, 1933, they started World War II; with Judea Declares War on Germany – Jews of the World Unite in Action. Their aim was the total destruction of Germany. This barbaric strategy of annihilation was done as a lesson to any future government thinking of freeing its citizens of the evil usury.

The nation does not live for the sake of the economic system, and the economic system does not exist for the sake of capital. On the contrary, capital is the servant of the economic system and the economic system is the servant of the people.”

~ Adolf Hitler

The following is a short history of why every religion, but Judaism, was against usury. Central bank usury control caused the US Constitution (when we already had a much superior Articles of Confederation) to get their First Bank Of The United States in 1791. They were given a 20-year charter. When their 20-year charter was up in 1811, the Jeffersonian Democrats prevented its charter from being renewed. So the Rothschild bankers summoned their mercenaries (the British army and navy) to teach us a lesson, the War of 1812. We learned the lesson the hard way, and in 1816, they got their Second Bank Of The United States, again with a 20-year charter. When Andrew Jackson was elected in 1828, saying he would kill the bank, the bankers tried everything to stop him; they created the 1833 recession; had him censured in 1834; and a failed (both guns misfired) assassination attempt on January 30, 1835. It didn’t work, Jackson killed the bank in 1836, when their 20-year charter was not renewed. During the American Civil War, Abraham Lincoln created Greenbacks instead of the 24% to 36% usury the Wall Street bankers wanted to charge, and he was assassinated on Good Friday 1865. On December 23, 1913 the Rothschild bankers finally got their third central bank, the Federal Reserve Bank. The Federal Reserve Act of 1913 originally had a 20-year charter. But on February 25, 1927, the McFadden Pepper Act was signed into law. It made the Federal Reserve’s power over our monetary policy perpetual. Today, only an act of the US congress can dissolve the Federal Reserve Banks. On June 4, 1963, President John F. Kennedy created United States Treasury Notes, known as Silver Certificates, with Executive Order 11110, and he was assassinated on November 22, 1963. This assassination was 53 years to the day (November 22, 1910) of the meeting on Jekyll Island that created the Federal Reserve Bank. Jesus began his three and a half year ministry in Jerusalem by driving the corrupt moneychangers from the Temple. He also ended His ministry by attacking the same thieves. It was the only time that Jesus used force. Within a short while, Jesus Christ was nailed to a cross. So, when Adolf Hitler takes their banks, and created his own German currency, of course they declared war on him. They also created a worldwide boycott of all German goods. The goal was really quite simple; Germany had to be completely destroyed.

After visiting these two places (Berchtesgaden and the Eagle’s lair on Obersalzberg), you can easily understand how that within a few years Hitler will emerge from the hatred that surrounds him now as one of the most significant figures who ever lived. He had boundless ambitions for his country which rendered him a menace to the peace of the world, but he had a mystery about him in the way that he lived and in the manner of his death that will live and grow after him. He had in him the stuff of which legends are made.”

~ John F. Kennedy

On April 21, 1933, Adolf Hitler awards Deputy to the Führer to Rudolf Hess. This was a prestigious award; he was now officially one of a handful of leaders under Hitler. Rudolf was quite busy for the next eight years with his job as the Chairman of the Central Political Commission of the NSDAP. He was an intelligent and honorable ambassador who projected a wonderful image for both the Party and for Germany. With Germany having both the 1936 Winter Olympic Games in Garmisch-Partenkirchen and the 1936 Summer Olympic Games in Berlin (this is the last time the same country was host to both Olympics the same year), Hess became acquainted with many political leaders and royalty throughout Europe and the world. Those who worked for him (even those who were arrested after his flight for peace) thought he was thoroughly honest and represented Germany with courage, dignity and honor.

Rudolf Hess passionately introduces Hitler in, Triumph of the Will (Triumph des Willens); a film made by Leni Riefenstahl, released in 1935, and introduced many new cinematic achievements. It chronicles the September 5 to 10, 1934, NSDAP Congress in Nuremberg, which was attended by more than 700,000 supporters. The film contains parts of speeches by leaders, including Hitler, edited together with massed party members. Hitler commissioned the film and served as an executive producer; his name appears in the opening titles. The theme of the film is the return of Germany as a great power.

On June 18, 1935, The Anglo-German Naval Agreement (AGNA) allowed German tonnage to increase to 35% of that of the British navy. Hitler called the signing of the AGNA “the happiest day of his life”, as he believed the agreement marked the beginning of the Anglo-German alliance he had predicted in Mein Kampf. Peace with Britain.

On October 18, 1936, Hermann Göring was put in charge of the Four Year Plan. Göring had complete control over the economy, including the private sector. Hitler told Göring to have Germany prepared to defend herself within four years against the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). Hitler, who rarely ever wrote anything down, wrote the “Four-Year Plan Memorandum” personally. Doing this indicates that he had something exceptionally important to say. Hitler wrote: “Since the outbreak of the French Revolution, the world has been moving with ever increasing speed toward a new conflict, the most extreme solution of which is called Bolshevism, whose essence and aim, however, are solely the elimination of those strata of mankind which have hitherto provided the leadership and their replacement by worldwide Jewry. No state will be able to withdraw or even remain at a distance from this historical conflict. It is not the aim of this memorandum to prophesy the time when the untenable situation in Europe will become an open crisis. I only want, in these lines, to set down my conviction that this crisis cannot and will not fail to arrive and that it is Germany’s duty to secure her own existence by every means in face of this catastrophe, and to protect herself against it, and that from this compulsion there arises a series of conclusions relating to the most important tasks that our people have ever been set. For a victory of Bolshevism over Germany would not lead to a Versailles treaty, but to the final destruction, indeed the annihilation of the German people.” Adolf Hitler was prophetically correct with this analysis; it would later be called the Morgenthau plan.

On March 12, 1938, Hitler declared the unification (Anschluss) of Austria with Germany. Hundreds of thousands of Austrians turned out to welcome the Germans. Austria was still in the Depression, with very high unemployment. With help from Germany this problem was turned around, within two years there was full employment.

The Munich Agreement was signed in the early hours of September 30, 1938, (yet dated September 29). It allowed Germany to annex the Sudetenland. Ethnic Germans mainly inhabited this area of Czechoslovakia. The agreement was negotiated at a conference in Munich, Germany, and signed by Germany, Britain, France and Italy.

Rudolf Hess stated that German intelligence had learned airfields were being built inside Czechoslovakia. These airfields were to be used by the USSR for their fighters and bombers against Germany. To end this, on March 15, 1939, German troops entered into Czechoslovakia. Later that same day, Hitler was in Prague with his troops.

Under the Treaty of Versailles, Germany was forced to give up a few land areas to surrounding countries. One of these was Danzig, a port city on the Baltic Sea with a population of 408,000. The people of Danzig were overwhelmingly German, about 97%.

In 1937 Hitler asked Poland to give Germany a one-mile access to their province in East Prussia. Both parties agreed, then Poland suddenly broke off all negotiations. On October 6, 1938, the Hitler peace plan, based on a German victory in Poland, is rejected by Britain and France. On October 24, 1938, Germany started 10 months of peaceful negotiations with Poland, for the return of Danzig and a corridor for an Autobahn route and railroad, to go through western Poland to connect East Prussia with Germany.

“Poland wants war with Germany and Germany will not be able to avoid it even if she wants to.” (Polish Marshal Rydz-Smigly as reported in the Daily Mail, August 6th, 1939)

Ten months of negotiations in good faith went nowhere. This is because pressure from Sir Winston Leonard Spencer-Churchill and his warmongers was applied to Poland. They were not to give in to any German negotiations for Danzig. On March 31, 1939, Britain initiated the Anglo-Polish military alliance (joined by France), which guaranteed Poland’s defense. They created their pretext to start World War II. Now all they had to do was make sure Hitler would react.

In the months leading up to September 1, 1939, in dozens of incidents, thousands of German Nationals in the Danzig corridor were brutally murdered. Some claim the Polish Bolsheviks killed 58,000 German Nationals in the Danzig corridor. Whatever the true numbers are, one thing is for certain, Germany was deliberately being provoked to enter Danzig. What country would let these atrocities happen to their own people?

On September 1, 1939, Adolf Hitler announces his successors, Hermann Göring and Rudolf Hess. Hess is now officially the number three person in the Third Reich. For Hess this must have been the most esteemed honor that could ever be bestowed upon him. That Adolf Hitler thought he was responsible and capable of leading Germany.

On September 1, 1939, Germany invades Poland to liberate Dazing.

On September 2, 1939, Germany annexed the Free City of Danzig. Adolf Hitler advised Britain and France that he would withdraw, if allowed to keep Danzig and the corridor.

On September 3, 1939, Hitler received his answer back. Britain and France declared war on Germany for invading Poland (Danzig and the corridor). I do find it quite noteworthy to state, that World War II was started on the pretext to protect and keep Poland free. Yet on September 17, 1939, the USSR entered Poland from the east and war is not declared on them by Britain, nor by France. And at the end of the war, a thoroughly ravaged Poland was given to the USSR. This contradiction plainly shows to the world just how disingenuous and hollow the pretext was to start World War II.

This war thrusts us years back in our constructive work. It is deplorable. I have not indeed become the Chancellor of the Greater German Reich in order to conduct war!”

~ Adolf Hitler (1940)

On May 10, 1940, Sir Winston Churchill became Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. On May 11, 1940, Britain (Churchill) made a fateful decision in its approach to fighting World War II. That night, eighteen Whitley bombers attacked railway installations in the western German province of Westphalia, far from the war front. That forgotten bombing raid, which in itself was inconsequential, has been called “the first deliberate breach of the fundamental rule of civilized warfare that hostilities must only be waged against the enemy combatant forces” J. M. Spaight, who had been principal secretary of Britain’s Air Ministry, wrote later, in his book Bombing Vindicated (1944), that “it was we who started the strategic [i.e., civilian] bombing offensive” with the “splendid decision” of May 11, 1940. Churchill broke this fundamental rule that hostilities must only be waged against the enemy combatant forces within 24 hours of becoming Prime Minister. He kept doing these illegal, immoral, savage, terrorist air strikes on German civilians. Part of the British barbaric bombing strategy was apparently to provoke German attacks on Britain in order to stimulate support for war against Germany. Hitler didn’t retaliate. He did try to tell the world of this new terrorism on civilians.

The Battle of Dunkirk (also known thanks to Churchill’s spin, as the Miracle of Dunkirk) occurred from May 26 to June 4, 1940. On May 24th Hitler ordered the army to stop for three days. These three days gave the Allies time to organize an evacuation and helped them to build a defensive line. Some 338,000 Allied troops that were surrounded by German forces escaped. This was indeed an enormous gesture from Hitler that Germany wanted peace with Britain. On February 26, 1945, Hitler lamented that Churchill was “quite unable to appreciate the sporting spirit” in which he had refrained from annihilating the BEF [British Expeditionary Force] at Dunkirk.

On August 1, 1940, Adolf Hitler issued No. 17 Directive: On the conduct of air war against Britain, Hitler, specifically prohibited the Luftwaffe from conducting terror raids on its own initiative. The war against Britain is to be restricted to destructive attacks against industry and air force targets that have weak defensive forces. The most thorough study of the target concerned, that is vital points of the target, is a pre-requisite for success. It is also stressed that every effort should be made to avoid unnecessary loss of life amongst the civilian population. Hitler is still taking the high road by doing this, while Churchill is still terrorizing German civilians with air strikes.

Both Hitler and Hess wanted peace between Germany and Britain. They talked about this subject on many occasions over their twenty years together. In 1940 Hess initiated a Hitler endorsed peace plan between Germany and Britain through royalty and diplomatic channels in neutral Switzerland. These peace efforts with Britain failed.

Rudolf Hess soon thought of another way to try and bring a peace between Germany and Britain. He asked his friend, Wilhelm Emil “Willy” Messerschmitt for a plane to fly. Messerschmitt gave him a new Me 110. Rudolf trained with this plane out of Augsburg, till he knew it well. On May 4, 1941, Hess and Hitler talked for 30 minutes and Hess asked Hitler if he still wanted peace with Britain, Hitler said he did (this is the last time they were ever together). Hess was finally ready to fly for peace. He asked Messerschmitt for extra fuel tanks and a few other improvements to be installed on his Me 110. He ordered daily weather reports for his flight. He waited to coincide with a large air strike to piggyback on their signal for guidance. He ordered an expensive German aviator suit. He even made one false flight, flying for two hours till the weather suddenly worsened and he had to return. Hess spent a long time writing two letters to Adolf Hitler, one short and one fourteen pages, about his flight for peace.

On May 10, 1941, Rudolf Hess knew this was going to be the day of his flight, so he lovingly played with his son (Wolf Rüdiger Hess) for hours. He got dressed and ready and took a car to Ausburg airfield. Everything was a go for the flight. His Me 110 was unarmed. Ever since Hess received his plane, he never had it armed. Hess was on a mission of peace. He lifted off at 5:40pm on route to Scotland. His courageous flight for peace was under way.

This is a part of the letter Hess left behind for his wife and son: “My dear ones, I firmly believe that I shall return from the flight I am about to make and that the flight will be crowned with success. Should I not return, however, the goal I set myself was worth the supreme effort. I am sure you all know me: you know I could not have acted any other way. Your Rudolf”

At 10:08pm Hess’s Me 110 was picked up on Edinburgh (Scotland) radar. He was trying to find a place to land. He was looking for the estate of the Duke of Hamilton, when the radar lost him at 11:07pm just south of Glasglow. Hess’s flight was approximately 900 miles, he went north till he reached the North Sea, then went west towards Scotland. He navigated to within miles of the Duke’s residence. Hess parachuted out at about 6,000 feet, and his plane crashed. He injured his ankle on landing and was soon discovered. When found Hess said: “I have an important message for the Duke of Hamilton.” Hess and the Duke had met during the 1936 Olympics Games in Berlin. The police inventory indicated that Rudolf Hess was carrying a letter to HM King George VI.

Was Hitler concerned about these peace negotiations? He didn’t want a war on two fronts, and he wanted to order Operation Barbarossa (the invasion of the USSR) as early as possible, hopefully in mid May 1941. Operation Barbarossa did not commence until June 22, 1941. This five-week delay was a primary factor, along with the vastly underestimated USSR forces, which ultimately proved to be fatal. This was a tragic blunder for German Intelligence. On June 4, 1942, Hitler talks about this horrendous miscalculation, in the Hitler – Mannerheim conversation. The conversation was secretly recorded for 11 minutes. It is the only existing recording of Hitler in a normal voice.

On May 10, 1941, London received its heaviest German air attack (Blitzkrieg) ever. With 1,436 people killed and 12,000 made homeless. The Houses of Parliament was struck, The Commons debating chamber, the symbol of British democracy, was destroyed.

May 10, 1941, was also the day of the last major Blitzkrieg on Britain. The Hess flight for peace and the last major Blitzkrieg on Britain to occur on the same day is not a coincidence. Germany wanted peace with Britain.

The Hess flight for peace actually did bring peace. It brought peace from German air strikes on Britain, and soon thereafter Churchill inexplicably instructed Sir Charles Portal, Chief of the Air Staff, to greatly reduce the bombing attacks on Germany.

But when it came to Rudolf Hess, Winston Churchill had no qualms about illegally (he came to Britain in good will as an ambassador for peace, and / or for medical reasons) keeping him a prisoner of war in Britain for the next 53 months. “… I approved the War Office proposal to bring Hess to the Tower [of London] by tonight pending his place of confinement being prepared at Aldershot. His treatment will become less indulgent as time goes on. There need be no hurry about interviewing him, and I wish to be informed before any visitors are allowed. He is to be kept in the strictest seclusion, and those in charge of him should refrain from conversation. The public will not stand any pampering except for intelligence purposes with this notorious war criminal.” Prime Minister’s [Churchill] Personal Minute, May 16, 1941, Serial No. M550/1

On May 22, 1941, Churchill told the House of Commons that he was not yet in a position to make a statement regarding Rudolf Hess and was not even sure when he would be able to make a statement. This is Churchill being audacious, cunning and evading; and thoroughly getting away with it. Were all the British politicians cowards?

My coming to England in this way is, as I realize, so unusual that nobody will easily understand it. I was confronted by a very hard decision. I do not think I could have arrived at my final choice unless I had continually kept before my eyes the vision of an endless line of children’s coffins with weeping mothers behind them, both English and German, and another line of coffins of mothers with mourning children.”

~ Rudolf Hess (June 10, 1941)

I recommend a wonderful and free book on Hess during the war years of 1941 to 1945: Hess: The Missing Years by David Irving – Thank you David for making this book free.

In August of 1944, Treasury Secretary Henry R. Morgenthau Jr. (Jewish), submitted his malevolent plan, the Morgenthau plan, for post-war treatment of German leaders to President Franklin D. Roosevelt. He proposes shooting many leaders upon capture, using German POWs to rebuild Europe, and tearing down industry and remaking Germany as an agricultural society. During the Second Quebec Conference held from September 12 to 16, 1944, Roosevelt and Morgenthau persuaded an unenthusiastic Churchill to agree to the Morgenthau plan. Churchill held out until he got what he came for, another $6 billion from the Lend Lease agreement.

On November 6, 1944, Winston Churchill made a visit to Moscow, the capital of the USSR. Whilst at a State dinner at the Kremlin, Joseph Stalin raised his glass and proposed a toast to the ingenious British Intelligence Services, which he said had “inveigled Hess into coming to England.” Churchill immediately protested that he and the intelligence services knew nothing about the proposed visit. Stalin smiled and said “maybe the intelligence services failed to tell you about the operation.”

History is not ended. It will sooner or later take up the threads apparently broken off forever and knit them together in a new pattern.”

~ Rudolf Hess (June 18, 1945)

When World War II ended, Germany was in total ruin. But it was to get even worse. Within a few years 15,000,000+ Germans and ethnic German civilians were cleansed, with 9,000,000+ murdered by starvation and disease. This was deliberate allied policy. It was the evil Morgenthau plan of merciless retribution in action for all to see. This behavior is exactly what Adolf Hitler warned about in the autumn of 1936 when he wrote the Four-Year Plan Memorandum “… but to the final destruction, indeed the annihilation of the German people …” Three painfully insightful books on this are: Gruesome Harvest, Crimes and Mercies and Hellstorm: The Death Of Nazi Germany, 1944-1947. The unfortunate German soldiers, who had been captured, were killed by starvation, lack of medicine and the elements in concentration camps. Up to 1,700,000 German prisoners of war died while under United States supervision. These killings were supervised by the Supreme Allied Commander, General Dwight D. Eisenhower. General Eisenhower prohibited German people from sharing their rations with detained German soldiers. [How did Eisenhower who was General Douglas MacArthur’s secretary, became the Supreme Allied Commander? Especially when General MacArthur felt Eisenhower was incompetent. How within 45 months did he bypass hundreds of officers with higher rank? Here are his unbelievable military promotions, with help from the warmonger Bernard Baruch (Jewish): March 11, 1941 – Colonel, October 3, 1941 – Brigadier General (1 Star), March 28, 1942 – Major General (2 Stars), July 9, 1942 – Lieutenant General (3 Stars), February 11, 1943 – General (4 Stars) and December 20, 1944 – General of the Army (5 Stars). Eisenhower was a 1915 West Point graduate, while there he was known as, The Terrible Swedish Jew. Ike sure did live up to his first nickname].

On October 8, 1945, Rudolf Hess left Britain for the last time. He was flown to the International Military Tribunal in Nüremberg. It was there that Hess, along with other 23 other top German leaders, would be tried. On October 18, 1945, the chief prosecutors of the International Military Tribunal read the indictments against 24 leading German officials. The initial trial was held from November 20, 1945 to October 1, 1946. His judges were from the USSR, Britain, France and the United States. It is worthy to note, that the majority of the lawyers and support staff at this Stalin like show trial, I mean International Military Tribunal, were Jewish. The main judge on this tribunal from the USSR, Major-General Iona Nikitchenko, also presided over many of the most notorious of Joseph Stalin’s show trials during the Great Purges of 1936 to 1938.

United States Senator Robert Taft condemned the postwar Nuremberg Trials as “victor’s justice” in which the people who won the war were the prosecutors, the judges and the alleged victims, all at the same time. Taft condemned the trials as a violation of the most basic principles of American justice and internationally accepted standards of justice. United States Senator John F. Kennedy in his best-selling book, Profiles in Courage, applauded Taft’s principled stand. Kennedy did this in the face of immense criticism.

The defense counsel for Hess requested that a psychiatrist from neutral Switzerland should examine him. The request was denied. Psychiatrists from all four victorious allied countries examined Hess. There were eight doctors; three from USSR, three from Britain, one French and one from the United States. Seven of the eight who examined Hess agreed he was fit to stand trial. The eighth, was none other than the personal doctor of Winston Churchill, Lord Moran, who claimed Hess was too ill to stand trial, and should be handed back to Britain. Why would Churchill order such a blatantly preposterous decision? Did he want Hess back in Britain so bad he did not care what it looked like? Why would you want to draw more attention to these trials that were already looked upon with much contempt throughout the world?

Jackson [Robert Jackson, the chief United States prosecutor at Nuremberg] is away conducting his high-grade lynching party in Nuremberg,” he wrote. ” … I hate to see the pretense that he is running a court and proceeding according to common law. This is a little too sanctimonious a fraud to meet my old-fashioned ideas.”

~ US Supreme Court Chief Justice Harlan Fiske Stone (Harlan Stone was the first Chief Justice not to have served in elected office before becoming Chief Justice.)

The following quote is the last statement by Rudolf Hess to the International Military Tribunal in Nüremberg on August 31, 1946:

I do not propose to argue about charges that are concerned with the internal affairs of Germany, with which foreigners have no right to interfere. I make no complaints about statements, the aim of which is to discredit and dishonor myself and the entire German people. I regard such statements coming from enemies as confirmations of our honor. It has been my privilege to serve for many years under the greatest son to whom my people have given birth in its thousand years of history. Even if it were possible for me to do so, I would never wish to wipe this period of service out of my life. It fills me with happiness to know that I did my duty toward my people. I regret nothing. Whatever men may do to me, the day will come when I will stand before the judgment seat of the Eternal: to Him I will give an account of my actions, and I know that He will pronounce me innocent.”

On September 30 and October 1, 1946, the sentences were pronounced. Hess was found guilty of crimes against peace and of conspiracy. He was found innocent of war crimes and crimes against humanity. The International Military Tribunal in Nüremberg compromised when they sentenced Hess to solitary confinement for life. The USSR judge and his alternate wanted him executed (hung). The American and British judges and the American and French alternates wanted a sentence of life, the French judge wanted a sentence of twenty years. The British alternate shamelessly abstained.

The appeals of the condemned for pardons, were rejected. The death sentences, by hanging, were carried out in the early hours of October 16, 1946. Hermann Göring committed suicide before his scheduled execution.

I thought at the time and still think that the Nuremberg trials were unprincipled. Law was created ex post facto to suit the passion and clamor of the time.”

~ Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas

On July 18, 1947, Rudolf Hess and his six fellow prisoners, all former top German officials, were flown from Nuremberg to West Berlin, West Germany, and Spandau prison, under heavy security. For the next 40 years at Spandau, Hess was known and spoken to only as prisoner #7. In 1966 the last two prisoners, Baldur von Schirach and Albert Speer, were released after serving their 20-year sentences. Hess was alone. He spent the last 21 years all by himself, in Spandau, a prison built for 600 prisoners.

Keeping Hess in Spandau by himself cost the West German government approximately 850,000 Marks a year. All four of the allied powers had to provide an officer and 37 soldiers during their shifts, as well as a director and team of wardens throughout the entire year. The permanent maintenance staff of 22 included cooks, waitresses and cleaners. It took almost 200 people to keep in prison one man, a brave man who wanted peace. Over the decades it became more and more overtly obscene. This was torture; they were trying to dehumanize Hess with solitary confinement.

When his wife or son visited Rudolf, they were not allowed to touch each other. In 1950, a French chaplain, Pastor Casalis, complained, to the prison Directorate: “It can safely be said that Spandau has become a place of mental torture to an extent that does not permit the Christian conscience to remain silent …”

I am convinced that God will sometime really come to us, conquer Lucifer and bring peace to tortured humanity.”

~ Rudolf Hess (July 1947)

In this next quote, Churchill sure is reflecting, reflecting blame from himself “I am glad not to be responsible for the way in which Hess has been and is being treated” while demeaning the Hess peace plan “frantic deed of lunatic benevolence”. Churchill was the person responsible for keeping Hess, “quality of an envoy”, a prisoner in Britain for 53 months. If Hess was “a medical and not a criminal case” The International Red Cross should have demanded that Britain in accordance with the Geneva and Hague Conventions (which Britain should have done on their own) let Hess go back to Germany under medical conditions. Churchill told Stalin that Hess was mentally ill but this was to be kept secret otherwise under the terms of the Geneva Convention, he would have to be repatriated. Churchill has 3 lies, 1 demean, all in 1 quote.

Reflecting upon the whole of the story, I am glad not to be responsible for the way in which Hess has been and is being treated. Whatever may be the moral guilt of a German who stood near to Hitler, Hess had, in my view, atoned for this by his completely devoted and frantic deed of lunatic benevolence. He came to us of his own free will, and, though without authority, had something of the quality of an envoy. He was a medical and not a criminal case, and should be so regarded.”

~ Winston Churchill (1950)

[Churchill helped bring the United States into World War I with the false flag sinking of HMS Lusitania and was the head cheerleader in Britain / Europe to create World War II]

Lieutenant Colonel Eugene K. Bird was the US Commandant of the Spandau Allied Prison from 1964 to 1972. Hess met Bird and over the years, and after many hundreds of hours of discussion between the two men, they developed a friendship, and a book about the flight for peace began to develop. In March 1971, Bird’s superiors at the U.S. Mission in Berlin became aware of the manuscript and proposed book. Bird was interrogated, placed under house arrest, and eventually made to resign his position as Commandant of Spandau Prison. This episode also ended his long military career. Bird and his family relocated to Germany in order to complete his book about Hess. The Loneliest Man in the World, was published in 1974.

Rudolf Hess was the only one of the defendants from the International Military Tribunal in Nüremberg found guilty, to serve the full life term. Of the four powers that had won the war against Germany, three, the USSR, France and the United States, proposed that due to his age, Hess should be released on humanitarian grounds. The British government under Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, said no. This callus and malicious decision to a man in his nineties, a man who spent 46 years, half his life in prison, leaves one bewildered. What was true motive that made Britain act like this?

On August 17, 1987, Rudolf Hess, 93 years of age, was murdered at Spandau Prison, West Berlin, West Germany. His son, Wolf Rüdiger Hess, investigated his Father’s murder for many years. The following are two of his quotes and one of Lieutenant Colonel Eugene K. Bird, Commandant of the Spandau Allied Prison from 1964 to 1972.

Rudolf Hess did not commit suicide on August 17, 1987, as the British government claims. The weight of evidence shows instead that British officials, acting on high-level orders, murdered my father.”

~ Wolf Rüdiger Hess

The same government, which tried to make him a scapegoat for its crimes, and which for almost half a century resolutely sought to suppress the truth of the Hess affair, finally did not shrink from murder to silence him. My father’s murder was not only a crime against a frail and elderly man, but a crime against historical truth. It was a logical final act of an official British conspiracy that began in 1941, at the outset of the Hess affair. But I can assure them, and you, that this conspiracy will not succeed. The murder of my father will not, as they hope, forever close the book on the Hess file. I am convinced that history and justice will absolve my father. His courage in risking his life for peace, the long injustice he endured, and his martyrdom, will not be forgotten. He will be vindicated, and his final words at the Nuremberg trial, “I regret nothing!,” will stand forever”

~ Wolf Rüdiger Hess

I was suspicious for several reasons… after all, Hess who had been held in Spandau for almost 40 years was by then 93-years-old and fragile. I doubted he had the strength to kill himself with a cord which was not attached at both ends to anything.”

~ Lieutenant Colonel Eugene K. Bird, on the death of Rudolf Hess

On July 20, 2011, the remains of Rudolf Hess were exhumed, cremated and strewn at sea, along with his wife and parents. His gravesite, which became a shrine for peace, is forever gone. His gravestone, which bore the epitaph “Ich hab’s gewagt” “I Dared”, was destroyed. So, this is what it has come down to, the warmongers realizing that Hess is the poster boy for peace, have made a concerted effort to make him disappear. Being done on July 20th, is on purpose and meant to send a clear message. On July 20, 1944, an attempt was made to assassinate Hitler, at Wolf’s Lair field headquarters.

The enemy of peace has laid its soul to bare by what it did to Rudolf Hess for the last 46 years of his life. Then, 24 years after his murder, they cunningly try to erase him from history, by having his remains exhumed, cremated and scattered at sea. This vengeful overreaching has lifted the veil and shown us the evil we are dealing with. Thank you Deputy Führer Rudolf Hess for having lived your life with honesty and dignity. By doing this, you made the parasitical warmongers show their demonic hand to us all. You are, and will remain throughout history, a courageous hero for peace.

The Waffen-SS Music School at Braunschweig

Published in “Siegrunen” Magazine – Vol. 8, No. 2, Number 44, 1987

The special „lyre“ collar patch for SS Music School pupils.

The Waffen-SS Music School was established in Braun­schweig on 1 July 1941 with the assistance of the SS Officer’s School in the same town. There were 60 students in the first training class and the first school director was Hstuf. Edgar Siedentopf. Most of the individual training group instructors were drawn from the NCOs attached to the band of SS Rgt. „Germania“/Division „Wiking.“ The students would frequently receive instru­mental training from members of the Braunschweig City-Theatre Orchestra, but at all times their activities were supervised either by the school commander or an SS instructor.

Tight supervision was necessary since most of the students were young teenagers who enrolled in the school at age 14, with parental permission, for a four-year term. After completing their studies at the Music School, the students were then obligated to serve for 12 years in the Waffen-SS. Structurally the school consisted of one main building which housed the staff, a large examination hall, numerous practice rooms and supply and maintenance shops for clothing dispersal, tailoring, shoe repair, etc. There was a barracks (actually a boarding house), for the pupils, with quarters, wash rooms and a kitchen along with a band chamber. Lastly there was a training barracks that contained a gym for physical education and a number of sound-proof practice rooms.

The school provided the students with a full range of musical instruments, including about 40 large and small pianos, which all pupils were required to play. The study program at the school ran as follows:

  1. Instruction in a main instrument, such as a trombone.
  2. Instruction in a secondary instrument, such as a cello.
  3. Obligatory piano training.
  4. Instruction in music theory, harmony, history, instru­ment construction and operation, etc.
  5. Training in orchestral and chamber music playing.
  6. Basic musical exercises (up through the second year at the school).
  7. General instruction in German, Math, Geography and History.
  8. Physical education and sports.

The aptitude and progress of the students was tested and monitored throughout the year. The training methods at the school proved very successful and within a year, students were able to give public concerts which proved quite popular to both participants and spectators alike.

In 1942 the school severed its logistics connections to the SS-Junkerschule „Braunschweig“ and became a totally independent facility. By 1944 the number of stu­dents had grown to 220 and Hstuf. Eberhardt had succeeded Edgar Siedentopf (who had been promoted to Stubaf. and transferred elsewhere) as commander of the school. During the same year the town of Braunschweig became more and more the target of vicious enemy air attacks, which endangered the Music School, its young pupils and of course, its inventory of many valuable instruments. A decision was therefore made by the Musical Inspectorate of the Waffen-SS under Stubaf. Leander Hauck (later KIA), to relocate the school to the safety of the small town of Bad Saarow in Brandenburg.

Students at practice. Note collar patch.

In January 1945, Bad Sarrow itself became endangered by the advancing Red Army and the Music School of the Waffen-SS had to be dissolved. The pupils were sent home where possible, and the staff members were assigned to the newly authorized 32nd SS Grenadier Division „30 Januar,“ where they were used in the formation of the divisional reconnaissance detachment.

During the school’s existence, the pupils wore the standard field gray uniform of the Waffen-SS with twin black collar patches bearing silver lyres. A metal lyre emblem was also worn on the shoulder straps. A Waffen-SS sleeve title bearing the wording „Musikschule Braun­schweig“ was worn, but the somewhat ambiguous status of the youthful students was emphasized by the wearing of Hitler Youth belts and armbands at the same time. §

Students on dress parade with collar patches, armbands and sleeve titles.

The Slaying of a Viking: The Epic of Vidkun Quisling

In honour of the 130-th birthday of Vidkun Quisling

Source: the book Heroes of the Reich by Michael Walsh

An excellent PDF version of the article at Barnes Review

By Michael Walsh

You will be my historical witness. The day will come when I will need it,” said the Norwegian Prime Minister Vidkun Quisling to his secretary, Franklin Knudsen. The national leader’s words were spoken with great solemnity as the two men sat in a room of Oslo’s Grand Hotel on the 18* April 1940. Nine days earlier their country had fallen to the forces of the Third Reich, victims of a conspiracy masterminded by England’s unelected leader Winston Churchill.

Churchill’s aim, to cut Germany’s essential ore lifeline, was yet another of his acts of war against a non-belligerent neutral country. The conspiracy was later exposed by his ally. Prime Minister Paul Reynard of France: “Churchill came to Paris on April 5* 1940 and at last the British government resolved that the mine fields in Norwegian territorial waters would after all be laid. The operation was, however postponed until April 7′ so Hitler could learn of it and prepare his counter move. One of the aims of the enterprise was to, entrap the opponent by provoking him into making a landing in Norway. ” (1)

Vidkun Quisling continued speaking: “I want a man who observes and reflects. I may tell you that in future you are going to be the man who himself has seen and heard what is happening at this decisive moment in the history of Norway and that of the West. You will be my historical witness.”

Franklin Knudsen recalled those prophetic words nearly five years later when on October 24 1945; Vidkun Quisling sleeping fitfully in his sparse cell was aroused at 2.00am and taken into the bitter cold of the prison yard at MoUergaten Gaol in Oslo.

FIRING SQUAD DEMOCRACY

The cavalcade of limousines had rolled into the old Akerhus fortress forty minutes earlier. A volley of shots reverberated beyond the prison walls and one of Europe’s most enigmatic and bravest leaders crumpled to the hail of bullets. The limousines departed.

On the stone floors outside the recently vacated Cell 34B were rose petals, perhaps from one of the many bouquets handed in. On the solitary desk inside the cell with its plank bed and single blanket, the Holy Bible, its pages open, resting on the single desk. Vidkun, the son of a clergyman was the latest in a line of eight ecclesiastical forbears in the district. It was a calling he himself was attracted to.

Underlined twice in the Holy Bible were the words: ‘He shall redeem their soul from defeat and violence and precious shall their blood be in His sight.’ – Psalms 72-14.

It is ironic that the name of a man who was a patriot and hero without equal has become synonymous with treachery. Such is the awesome power of propaganda wielded by the victor nations.

Vidkun Quisling, born July 18* 1887, was a man of his time whose life was orchestrated by events sweeping Europe following the Jewish-Bolshevik seizure of Russia in 1917.

THE EPIC POLAR ADVENTURERS

In 1908 the young Norwegian had achieved an officer’s position and three years later achieved the best degree ever recorded in the history of Norway’s Military Academy. Such was his standing that a report was forwarded to the King of Norway and the young lieutenant was immediately attached to the General Staff. By 1918 he was the military attached to Petrograd and Helsingfors. Just four years later Vidkun Quisling became closely involved with Fridtjof Nansen in his charitable work under the auspices of the Relief Committee for Russia.

Nansen, the internationally renowned Norwegian polar explorer, scientist and humanitarian was the first man, with five companions, to traverse Greenland, the world’s largest island. This epic adventure along with others polar expeditions achieved with his ship Fram (“Forward”) cannot fail to inspire.

An obvious choice due to his enormous international reputation as a humanitarian, Nansen agreed to act as the High Commissioner for the League of Nations Commission for Prisoners of War. As a consequence Vidkun Quisling’s mentor was responsible for the humane repatriation of 450,000 POW’s rescued from twenty-six countries in the aftermath of the Great War. Without question these unfortunate captives exiles would have died without Nansen’s endeavours.

THE LIVES OF SIX MILLION CHILDREN SAVED

Leading from these humanitarian successes the Norwegian explorer carried the extra burden of bringing relief to millions of refugees torn apart by the cataclysmic upheavals following the Jewish-Bolshevik civil wars. Having succeeded in bringing respite to the world’s dispossessed, Nansen in the early 1920s was invited by the International Red Cross to direct the work required to save the lives of millions of Russians suffering from revolution, civil war and Stalin’s famine. Nansen, assisted by Vidkun Quisling and other organisations is estimated to have saved the lives of over seven million people of whom six million were children.

In 1922 their relief program brought them to the Ukraine and the Crimea. From 1924-25 Quisling was in the Balkan and Donau states, on behalf of the League of Nations. In 1925 he joined Nansen again in the Near Orient and Armenia, before taking up residence in Moscow to better co-ordinate his tasks.

Sadly Quisling never wrote anything about his work apart from official reports so we need to refer to Nansen’s epic, ‘Through the Caucasus to the Volga’. From it we may obtain an impression of the devoted service that Vidkun Quisling offered:

PITIFUL BODIES FROZE TO THE FLOORS

‘From house to house were to be seen the same appalling sight of expiring and expired human remains. Dried grass, leaves and crushed bones and horse’s hooves, instead of bread. No warmth, so that the pitiful bodies froze to the floors before life was extinguished. At an infants’ home forty-two children, died last night, and they were still lying in their beds, with the living at their sides, who – with great wondering baby eyes – sat staring at death, the great deliverer from all suffering. Dead bodies were dug out of the burial grounds to be eaten. Parents – in their distraction – killed their children in order to satisfy their own hunger. Over thirty million persons were starving, and in addition epidemics were raging, worst of all spotted fever.

More than three million died, despite the succour, which was too little too late. And over these same identical plains, thousands of gaunt human beings fled, without food, not knowing where, just away, through the congealing winter, while they and their last camels and horses died on the frozen roads. All traffic on the rivers was halted by the ice, the railways were out of order, the few trains – packed to overflowing with refugees – remained standing on the lines, people died in the carriages. Horror was all around.

QUISLING HONOURED

In the foreword to Nansen’s narrative will be found Nansen’s effusive thanks to his personal assistant, Vidkun Quisling: “These prefatory words cannot be brought to conclusion without heartfelt thanks to Captain Vidkun Quisling, for his tireless friendship as a fellow-traveller and for his valuable assistance he has rendered to the author through his comprehensive knowledge of Russian.”

When on June 22, 1941 Germany, supported by its anti-Communist allies, pre- emptively attacked the Soviet Union that had by then amassed its armies on Europe’s borders. The invading Europeans discovered on the walls of hovels the icon portraits of both Fridtjof Nansen and Vidkun Quisling sharing equal status with Our Lady. The spectacle of unknown Norwegians elevated to saintly status bemused but inspired the soldiers.

Norwegian front line soldiers (frontkjempere) several times found plain plaster of paris busts of Quisling in Russia’s impoverished villages. The peasants told them of the man from the far north who had once saved them from starvation. It was a memorable experience for those soldiers who had now been charged by the same man with the task of saving the people of the Ukraine from a worse destiny – communist slavery.

VIDKUN QUISLING, CBE

By now Vidkun Quisling’s reputation was such that he was invited by the British Government, which did not have diplomatic access to the USSR’s Communist regime, to look after Britain’s diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union. For his humanitarian achievements and his services to the British Crown, Norway’s acclaimed son was honoured with the British order of Commander of the British Empire (CBE). It was a source of great pride to him.

In 1930 Quisling returned to his Norwegian homeland which was then in the throes of Communist subversion very similar to that suffered by Germany following the Great War. Communist insurgents had brought the Scandinavian country to the very precipice of revolution. The so-called Norwegian Labour Movement was affiliated to the Communist International. Financed by Moscow, its blood-red hammer and sickle flag spluttered as its party-banner. These ‘Sons of Moscow’ agitated for a ‘Soviet Norway’, a ‘Soviet Republik’, through bloody revolution if need be.

On one notable occasion a politician who was later to become a Norwegian Minister was arrested on the Norwegian-Russian border with gold to the value of several million kroner in his luggage. The same man spat: ‘The lives of twenty thousand middle-class counted for nothing compared with that of a single worker’.

NORWAY PLUNGED INTO DARKNESS

Another future minister bragged that soon the red flag would be hoisted above Norway’s parliament while another future minister made incendiary speeches calling for revolution.

It was this same rabid revolutionary politician who was elevated to Minister of (Norwegian) Defence in 1935. The same who failed the opportunity to build a defence force capable of resisting Winston Churchill’s sinister invasion of Norway; or to resist Germany’s preventive invasion.

Throughout Norway agitation was rife, strikes were organised, seditious literature was passed from hand to hand, political opponents and police were murdered, the offices of opposition parties torched, politicians intimidated, riots were organised by revolutionaries few of whom were Norwegian nationals.

In to this maelstrom came Vidkun Quisling, now Minister of Defence on the cabinet of the country’s newly elected Peasants Party. Few people on earth were better qualified to recognise the danger posed to humanity by godless Communism. He acted decisively to prevent Norway becoming another Soviet Republic.

Realising that the final Communist push was imminent with armouries and military installations already targeted Quisling immediately mobilised Norway’s armed forces and police and the insurrection was quickly put. The Communists never forgave Vidkun Quisling for denying them Norway.

NORWAY SAVED FROM COMMUNISM

By April 1932, Vidkun Quisling, Norwegian patriot was able to stand in his country’s parliament and publicly expose the treacherous activities of the international revolution directed by Moscow at Norway’s heart.

“I have in my possession, photos, duplicates of actual statements that an agent of international Communist leadership has made in Norway. What does it say? It says simply that the revolutionary movement in this country is being financed from abroad. In 1928-29 they have received 500,000 kroner from a foreign power. There are not many parties in the land that dispose of similar amounts for their work.’

Quisling went on to show the hard evidence of communists urging Norwegian soldiers ‘to start an insurrection, of organising cells in the Army and Navy, in factories; preparing for revolution and insurrection’.

Moving on and whilst conceding the laudable aims (working class enfranchisement) of Norway’s labour movement, in a speech regarded as one of his finest, the Norwegian Minister of Defence shamed the red front movement for being foreign financed and guided by Marxist principles with the single aim of class-war and revolution.

At this point Vidkun Quisling directed his anger at the desperate straits Communism had brought Russia to: ‘I went there in order to help men in distress; sacrificed nearly all my means in order to help needy people there; ruined my health for a long time to come, and in addition lost my position in life at home. At that time, I visited the famine-struck districts, where all were suffering distress – we too – and security for life and health was negligible. But, when in other ways I was assisting Nansen in aiding those in distress, I looked about myself in vain for those people, who are now abusing me, and who in words and gestures feel so warmly for that same country.

“The position I now occupy forbids me to enter more fully into these matters, which concern another country. But I am convinced that sooner or later the representatives of labour in this hall will come to consist of men and women who – like myself – have had their views about social questions revised and developed in the hard school of life and experience, who do not support ruinous, foreign, inferior and compromised ideas, but who desire a solid and constructive national policy of work, which can protect the interests of the workers as well as those of the country at large.”

‘SQUEALING LIKE STUCK PIGS’

At this point legend has it, Norway’s impassioned Minister of Defence rose to his feet and banged on the podium with his hand. It had a similar effect on the Storting(parliament) as that intended by Haydn’s amusing ‘Surprise’ symphony No. 94 when the hudden orchestral clash startles the theatre goers.

Uproar ensured and the outcome was that the Marxist members of the Norwegian parliament squealed ‘like stuck pigs’, the bourgeois parties counted the buttons of their waistcoats but finally the parliament agreed to look at the hard evidence.

Vidkun Quisling produced it. What followed was an analytical dissection of the country’s revolutionary left proving beyond all doubt the violent, treacherous, revolutionary aims of Norway’s radical left. Vidkun Quisling was thus vindicated.

Note: The entire evidence is presented in I Was Quisling’s Secretary, Britons Publishing Company, 1967.

QUISLING’S BLUEPRINT FOR PEACE ON EARTH

Quisling had a keen understanding of world order and was a recognized political philosopher. Much of Quisling’s analysis and many of his statements influenced and contributed to the ideology of Italy’s emerging Benito Mussolini whose new Fascism was successfully creating the corporate state. Such was the success of Fascism that even Churchill conceded: ‘Of Italian Fascism, Italy has shown that there is a way of fighting the subversive forces which can rally the masses of the people, properly led, to value and wish to defend the honour and stability of civilized society. Hereafter no great nation will be unprovided with an ultimate means of protection against the cancerous growth of Bolshevism.” (2)

As a philosopher about which few records remain Vidkun Quisling put forward a revolutionary thesis to provide for a system of ‘universalism’. It called for a new world order based on a ‘groundwork of religion and morals as well as statecraft and science’. He saw this as the essential building block of a world community based on the complementary values of race, a ‘constitution’ of religion, statecraft, science, and essentially morals. The manuscript as far as I know is still hidden away in an Oslo vault.

Quisling’s real politik would place in history’s dustbin all systems based on principles that lack morality, defy natural order and deny a spiritual dimension to the human condition, i.e. Communism/Capitalism.

QUISLING, THE FATHER OF A UNITED EUROPE

Knudsen added: ‘It is now many years since he showed me his draft for a ‘European Covenant’; a commonwealth and a common market, conducted by a coalition cabinet in which each state had one vote. In such a United States of Europe, united with the British World Empire, and with the re-insurance of Russia, he saw the only possibility of peaceful progress.

‘The plan did not reach maturity because of the war, and after the war no recognition has been given him for it, even the draft mysteriously disappeared from the archives, and his enquiries for it at his trial were in vain. But (here Knudsen in 1967 comments on the emerging Common Market) they are the same thoughts which at this very moment are of impelling interest to the peoples of Western Europe.’

Quisling set about carving his niche as a politician and in the same year wrote his book, ‘Russia and Us’, the most stringent analysis of Soviet affairs ever to appear in the Norwegian language. Increasingly Quisling attracted the fury of Norway’s red agitators, those ruthless revolutionaries he had so recently bettered during his term as Norway’s Minister of Defence.

On 17′ May 1933, the Independence Day of Norway and the same year in which the German people elected Adolf Hitler as their country’s leader, the Norwegian leader formed his own political party, the Nasjonal Samling (National Unification).

His opponents sought in vain to libel and slander the patriotic newcomer but there was no flaw in the party leader’s Curriculum Vitae. His popularity and patriotism was without question and his impeachments of the hard men of the left had by now been endorsed by two-thirds of the Norwegian parliament.

Nevertheless the black propaganda persisted until Mrs. Sigrun Nansen, wife of the recently deceased renowned explorer leapt with others to his defence: ‘Whether opposing or supporting the policy of Mr. Quisling, I think that many deplore the personal and insulting form which the election campaign has taken against him. It will surely be of interest to know what Fridtjof Nansen thought of his aide. He often expressed his opinion about having had such a man for his helper: Excellent administrator, self-sacrificing and honest – his face was alight, when he mentioned Quisling’s name.’

The Nasjonal Samling’s leader inspired by the Elysian ambitions of Nansen sought to unify the Norwegian people under a program of reconstruction based on social equality. As in Britain today Norway had become separated from the fundamentals of life and was drowning in political expediency, social engineering, pornography, decadence, racial debasement and political correctness gone mad. His solution: ‘Like every society, which wishes to save itself from serious crisis, and to be reborn, we must find our way back to the life-giving substratum, and on this substratum unfold our potentialities.

FAMILY, PARENTAGE, BLOOD AND SOIL

A spiritual and responsible view of existence, as a living faith extended to all parts of our life, that is what people chiefly need; a proper combination of individualism and fellowship, with our best men to lead us, freedom of personal initiative, security of life and property, of work and its results, a sense of and a respect for, the family institution and parentage, for blood and soil, good-will and co-operation, instead of class-warfare, sound economic principles for the individual and for the entire society, emancipation of intellectual life and solidarity of economic life.’

Describing his re -born society Vidkun Quisling concluded by confronting the forces of national decadence: ‘Taking my departure from this ground, and joining battle with the forces that are partly opposing the new trend of things and partly endeavouring to lead it into ways abhorrent to nature, we will form a new, and – we may say – a religiously determined – political doctrine.’

In Vidkun Quisling, Norway’s Communists discovered an opponent far more to be feared that the compliant conservatives. No leader could match his resolution, his insider knowledge of Communist subversive and revolutionary strategy. Gangs of red thugs, financed and encouraged by the Moscow Mafia repeatedly attacked the Nasjonal Samling’s meetings and election campaigns. They vilified him as ‘a nazi’, ‘a fascist’, ‘an enemy of the working class’; there was no slander to which they wouldn’t stoop.

Similar scenes were being repeated throughout Europe as the Communist international attempted to bring down the democracies of Europe; from London to Oslo, Madrid to Copenhagen, anti-Communist patriots sharing the ideals of Oswald Mosley and Vidkun Quisling sought to stem the red tide.

BLOODY BATTLES AGAINST COMMUNIST THUGS

In terms of physical courage Vidkun Quisling inspired respect. Franklin Knudsen described events at a Nasjonal Samling meeting in Tonsberg in the autumn of 1933: ‘Communists took possession of the hall in advance, and created a fearful racket, in order – if possible – to interrupt Quisling’s speech. They shouted and sang the ‘international’ and eventually a struggle ensued at the entrance.

I had to knock down a couple of men, the more noisy ones were thrown out, and the meeting was eventually carried through in comparative order. Subsequently however, a threatening crowd congregated outside the hall, and the managers advised Quisling to leave by a rear entrance. He refused.

He went out by the main entrance and looked around, coolly appraising the mob. A silence fell, and then a forcible term of abuse was heard in the middle of the throng. Quisling inspected the hundreds of excited faces, and suddenly he saw which one had shouted. He went straight up to him and said: “Would you care to repeat that?”

The man stared at him furiously, but soon his eyes began to waver, and he turned round and disappeared. Quisling walked straight through the crowd without anyone touching him.

It was not merely his tall forceful figure that inspired respect. He had such powerful eyes. And was so totally devoid of fear, that he could actually paralyse an opponent.

After the meeting we went for a walk through the town, and down at the wharf four men came running out of a side street to ‘go for’ Quisling. I seized my pistol and called out:

‘Stop, or I shoot!’ and the gang disappeared as swiftly as they had arrived. Quisling turned to me, a broad smile on his face.

‘You should not take people so seriously,’ he said. ‘Certainly, I can stop them myself if necessary. And who knows, perhaps we might have had a chance of getting four more new members.’

Town after town fell to the popular appeal of Quisling’s Nasjonal Samling party; Gjovik, Bergen, Trondheim, Norkoping, Oslo and elsewhere. Even the communist stronghold, the market place in front of ‘the peoples’ house’ in Oslo, fell to the enthusiasm carried by Norway’s patriotic reaction to communist insurrection. It was a bitter blow to the reds who had vowed that no party other than their own would speak from the square.

Such was the extent of the red terror that Nasjonal Samling, as with all anti-communist organisations throughout Europe, found it necessary to organise a defensive ring. Throughout Norway over 500 well-disciplined men were selected to form the ‘hird’ defence force. In highly mobile detachments they placed themselves wherever needed, protecting Nasjonal Samling meetings, rallies, marches, political campaigning activities. Inevitably there were wounded on both sides of the conflict.

FANATICAL FERVOUR

Knudsen explained: ‘The fact that we were constantly fighting for our rights gave us a fanatical fervour, that no adverse fortune could smother, not even the defeat we suffered at the general elections by reason of the collective opposition from both the ‘red’ (left wing) and the ‘blue’ (conservative) parties. Nevertheless, we continued with our educational work; we stressed the communist danger, the need for proper defence to ensure Norway’s neutrality, the need for national reconstruction.’

As a lesson and a warning that might be taken heed of by current political activists Knudsen went on to say: ‘Party politics in the strict sense of the term, we never pursued apart from short electioneering campaigns. Otherwise we confined ourselves to general questions of national politics.

‘In 1936, the day dawned which was to be decisive. We held a great national meeting in Oslo, which was attended by several thousand men from all over the country. Quisling then assembled his most active fellow activists, and we solemnly took an oath of fealty to him – staking our existence upon the issue – we promised – under his leadership – to continue with our struggle until we had won victory. He himself and over a thousand of his followers, sealed this oath with their lives.’

Apart from struggle, education and the entryism there were no tangible successes in terms of seats won until 1936, three years after the Nasjonal Samling’s formation. The party’s leaders realised that electioneering was secondary to education. First the electorate must be properly informed as to the dangers posed to their country, the threat posed by the weakness and treachery of the established parties, the need for national reconstruction.

EUROPE IN TURMOIL

With the exception of the stable and prosperous National Socialist Germany Europe was in turmoil. Britain and France whose preferential trade agreements were threatened by German competition, urged on by international Jewish interests, were blockading German products and threatening war.

Poland backed by England was constantly attacking Germany’s borders whilst Czechoslovakia on Germany’s eastern border had treacherously allowed the anti-German Soviet Union the use of its military airfields aimed at Germany’s heart.

Throughout the world and in particular, Europe, the Soviet Union was agitating. For world revolution. Menacingly it was poised to overthrow Rumania and its oilfields thus grabbing Germany by the jugular.

In northern Europe tiny Finland was desperately fighting to stem Soviet aggression (The Winter War). Overrun by overwhelming odds they failed and the hardy Finns surrendered (March 6* 1940) much of their country. Despite the capitulation they bravely fought on and an army of farmers brought the Red Army to a grinding halt. Their success against Stalin’s armed might outraged Winston Churchill. The English autocrat soon sought revenge for Stalin’s humiliation and finally got it on December 7*, 1941 when England declared war on Finland. Simultaneously England declared war on Hungary and Romania.

Spain was in the grip of Civil War in which General Franco was mobilising sufficient forces to (eventually) hurl Moscow’s cuckoo out of the Madrid nest. In Norway Quisling took the field against the Soviet-inspired Camerilla that was aiming to embrace the whole of Europe in a gigantic pair of pincers with one of its claws in Scandinavia and the other in Spain. Europe was in mortal danger.

Few were better qualified to act than was Vidkun Quisling. He knew the Soviet plans as well as they themselves did. He could follow the Soviet strategy step by step towards its final goal of world domination.

QUISLING MEETS LEON TROTSKY

Quisling had already met Leon Trotsky – the alias of Lev Davidovitsj Bronstein, an American revolutionary Jew – and knew his view of world revolution. He had also met leaders of the ‘Russian’ revolution in the Caucasus and the Ukraine, the Danube deltas and in Moscow itself.

Although a combination of diplomacy, real politic and censorship hid the Soviet revolutionary aims from the masses of Western Europe, Quisling was one of those sufficiently enlightened to identify and thwart the Communist threat. This is a fact for which every single Briton owes a debt to the Norwegian leader.

Hardly surprisingly the Nasjonal Samling’s slogan was: ‘Norway neutral – Norway prepared. ‘ It was a slogan detested by the sabre-rattling Winston Churchill who was already planning the violation of Norway’s neutrality as part of his strategy to deny ore to National Socialist Germany. Vidkun Quisling was proving to be an adept prophet in the militaristic manoeuvring of those countries that sought any excuse for war.

There was hardly a communist cell, act of entryism, conspiracy or fifth-columnist front in Europe that Quisling didn’t know about. His base was Norway but his heart was for the security of Europe. His two principle aims were to stop the Marxists in Norway and to bring unity to the anti-communist reaction throughout Europe. In fact, up until Hitler’s election when Communism in Germany was dealt with root and branch. Quisling was concerned that the Weimar regime, in defiance of the Versailles Treaty terms, had assisted Communist Russia’s aggressive intentions towards Britain and her Empire. This was yet another reason for Britons to reflect the debt they owe to the Norwegian patriot…

Quisling’s Nasjonal Samling Party urged adequate defences to maintain Norway’s neutrality from wherever it was threatened. The real traitors, Norway’s communists, especially after 1935 when the red-front Labour Party came to power, campaigned for disarmament and in the event of war, a general strike and the laying down of arms. This was precisely what the Soviets wanted. In fact, the Norwegian Labour Party smuggled the politically virile Trotsky into Norway under the assumed name of Sedow. This left little doubt as to the catastrophe likely to befall Britain’s closest Scandinavian neighbour.

Quisling did everything possible within the law to have the ghetto-revolutionary thrown out of Norway but failed due to the Government having invited him in in the first place. What followed was one of the most audacious acts of anti-subversion ever mounted in peacetime. Agents attached to Nasjonal Samling, without Quisling’s knowledge, tapped Trotsky’s phones, infiltrated his circle, spied on the revolutionary and his entourage, even burgled their homes.

THE LUCKLESS JEWISH MOUSE

One, posing as an estate agent, even visited Trotsky’s lair and ‘liberated’ several compromising directives. On other occasions his secretaries, (Trotsky was supposed to be convalescing!) were spied upon and their belongings discreetly searched. Finally Trotsky’s home was ‘burgled’ by the enterprising Nasjonal Samling’s operatives whilst he himself was intimidated by a multi car pursuit during which the nervous architect of the red terror protected himself with a sandbag at the rear of his neck.

Within days the luckless Jewish mouse, already responsible for the butchery of unknown numbers, contrary to his permit, imported several heavies who were anything but Nordic in appearance.

By then, faced with the then undeniable evidence of the Jewish revolutionary’s activities the thwarted red-front Labour Party had no choice but to intern Trotsky and then allow his extradition to Mexico. There the rat-faced little butcher was subsequently ice-picked to death by Jackson-Mornard, one of Stalin’s agents.

Quisling, in public at least, was less than amused at the unorthodox methods used by his party members to counter the Trotsky threat. He suggested, “It would have been simplest to have him delivered to the Russian consulate whereupon he would probably have been despatched to Moscow – in an urn.”

Vidkun Quisling was very much an ascetic and refused to accept a salary from his party’s funds. During the years 1933 /44 his secretary organised and recorded over 500 public meetings. The living and travelling expenses for Quisling must have been considerable but the party leader preferred to live on a meagre pension, occasionally selling a few possessions.

His efforts were rewarded by a constant stream of abuse both in the left wing and conservative press. As a person he was noted for his genial humour, which made light of such abuse. To those who were remote he could appear to be severe and serious, even uncommunicative. But among friends he was always good-humoured and the conversation sparkled when he was present. He was a great practical joker and his light- hearted banter made him extremely popular among friends and party activists.

Physically, Quisling was lank and loose-jointed but he was later to put on weight due to an inflammation of the kidneys, which he contracted just before England’s declaration of war.

VIKING BLOOD

Physically he was seemingly blessed with enormous stamina and typically he would run, apparently effortlessly, through the mountains for anything from six to eight hours. Franklin Knudsen said: “‘He walked like an elk, purposeful and indefatigable.’

Both Quisling’s parents belonged to a family line whose distinguished ancestry went back many generations. The name Quisling designates that the bearer belongs to a collateral branch of the Norwegian Royal Family, and Norway’s two most revered poets, Henrik Ibsen and Bjornstjerne Bjornson. He had good grounds to say at his court hearing: ‘It is not dishwater that flows through my veins.’

At school Vidkun excelled, particularly in literature, science, history and traditions. He reached the top of his class effortlessly. He remained in that position and so his final degree presented no problem to him. His love of the outdoors never suffered as a consequence of his academic diligence and he excelled at both shooting and fishing.

Knudsen affirmed that he had never met a man who needed less sleep. Six hours was his absolute maximum but frequently he would be dismissive of rest until the day’s work was completed and comrades ‘safely stood down’. Though that might be three or four o’clock in the morning he would still be back on his feet at 7.00am.

His ability to remember was uncanny. He once dictated some fifty lines of political text before asking Knudsen’s opinion. His secretary replied that he thought the wording unnecessarily academic. Without looking at the notes he mentioned a series of words and expressions explaining as he did so what was to be replaced and where. He then dictated the amended text flawlessly.

He was once introduced to sixteen new party members. Several months later he asked how each was getting on, recalling individual names, districts and attributes. He never made a single mistake. As a youth he had memorised the many hundreds of parishes of Norway, and their boundaries, simply to familiarise himself with the precise topography of his country.

OPPOSED TO ENGLAND’S BROTHER WAR

Distraught at the appalling likely consequences of what he called the ‘brothers war’ between Britain and Germany Quisling had intervened a month after England declared war on its European neighbour.

He telegraphed the British Prime Minister Chamberlain proposing that on British initiative a union of European nations be formed. His secretary and biographer Franklin Knudsen wrote: ‘A few weeks later he had ready a detailed draft for cessation of hostilities and a proposal for re-establishing peaceful relations between the brother- nations Great Britain and Germany.’

As Knudsen surmises, “If Quisling had had any desire to exploit the confusion of the of the world war and to seize power himself by the aid of foreign bayonets, he would have done exactly the reverse, viz: lulled the people into a still more profound sleep, and one day confronted it with an accomplished fact.”

QUISLING’S PROPHECY PREDICTING A UNITED EUROPE

On October 11, 1939 after Poland’s attacks on Germany had been repulsed and German territory ceded to Poland in 1918 recovered, Vidkun Quisling sent an urgent telegram to British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain:

‘Having in 1927 to 1929 been charged with the task of attending to the British interests in Russia, I take the liberty of addressing myself to your Excellency being aware, of expressing the opinion of nearly all in the Nordic countries, when saying that the brothers’ war between Great Britain and Germany, with bolshevism as a tertius gaudens, is being felt in an especially tragic degree in our countries, that are so closely related to Great Britain as well as to Germany.

Your declaration of September 30, 1938, concerning the relations between Great Britain and Germany, and their vital importance to the peaceful development of Europe, made a strong impression here, and we are convinced that what is in question today is to save Europe and civilisation through peace with Germany in the spirit of your declaration.

The only positive way to achieve this is to fuse British, French, and German interests into a European Confederation on the initiative of Great Britain, in order to create a community of interests and co-operation, beneficent to all parties.

Under these circumstances, and in view of the sufferings, which the war is causing also to the neutral Nordic countries, I deferentially appeal to your immense authority and responsibility, and beg to suggest that the British government – in accordance with the tested methods of federalisation in America, South Africa and Australia – invite every European state to choose ten representatives to a congress charged with the task of preparing a constitution for an empire of the European nations, to be submitted to a plebiscite in each country for acceptance or rejection ….

You are the only statesmen who, under present circumstances, can bring Europe back to peace and reason. ” – Quisling, C.B.E., formerly Norwegian Minister of Defence.

This telegram was cordially acknowledged to which Quisling afterwards said: I received a friendly message of thanks, but otherwise I heard nothing more about the matter.’

One of the greatest ironies is that within two decades of the brother’s war such a confederation of European states was formed. An even greater irony is that Britain rather than taking the lead as suggested by Quisling, became a junior partner to a united Europe and is today standing on the sidelines.

QUISLING MEETS ADOLF HITLER

At his trial Quisling was at pains to explain a meeting with Hitler on December 16/17, 1939: “Later at the beginning of December 1939, 1 had the chance of going to Germany. The real reason for my journey was, however, a private request from doctor Aall, who was living with the Norwegian-American professor Strangeland, to visit him in order to discuss a scientific work. It has nothing to with the present (court) case.

Through the instigation of Reichsminister Alfred Rosenberg, I then had an audience with Hitler. It was the first time I had met him, and immediately received a strong impression that he was very attached to me. My conversation with him I may sum up as follows:

“I mentioned the question of peace to him, and Hitler then – as was his habit – gave me a long lecture on his and Germany’s relations with Great Britain. In the strongest terms he explained that it was a matter of emotion as well as reason that lay behind his fervent desire to reach an understanding with Great Britain, because Great Britain had gone to war about the Polish question, and he thought that he had made more than a fair proposal for a settlement of this question. Provisionally, things must run their course, but in due time, he would revert to the subject. As we know, this happened in the summer of 1940, but it was not a success.

“He also discussed Norwegian and North European matters. Hitler mentioned that he was aware of our endeavours to keep Norway out of the war, and emphasised strongly that the Scandinavian States – and particularly Norway – remaining neutral, best attended to Germany’s interests. Germany, Hitler emphasised, had no interest whatever in interfering in Norway, if only Norway vindicated her neutrality. Should she not do so, Germany would be bound to interfere, for if Great Britain tried to establish herself in Norway, it would constitute such a crucial threat against Germany, that Hitler would put forth all his strength to prevent it.

Germany would then also have to occupy Denmark and against Norway, he would pit everything that was needed to break any resistance, regardless of how many divisions might be required. 6-10-12-16 divisions, he stated. I particularly remember that he said 16 divisions, presumably, however, only as a casual end to a numerical series, which might be further increased.

This was exactly as I had argued for years, and had been preaching to my countrymen in numerous lectures and articles. It was, however, important to me to have my views thus confirmed at first hand. And there was no doubt as to his being in mortal earnest.

“Hitler also asked about our movement. I told him about it and about our struggle I had been carrying on in Norway. He asked what chances there were of our taking over the government, or whether it would be possible for us to get some of our men into government. This would secure Norway’s neutrality. I replied that I did not think this was possible for the time being, but that we were gaining an increasing number of supporters, and that the war might perhaps develop in such a manner as to make it possible or even desirable. Hitler said he would hail it with delight, because Germany was first and foremost, interested in the neutrality of Norway, to which – it was obvious – Hitler attached the greatest importance.

Vidkun Quisling went to great pains to prove conclusively that from as far back as the ‘Russian’ revolution he had consistently sought a peaceful unified Europe, preferably a single market Europe, with neutrality for Norway. He added that just as he had discussed Norway’s neutrality with Hitler he had done likewise with Great Britain from the British Prime Minister down through the ranks of parliament who were similarly in favour of an arrangement with Germany.

The British, and as a consequence the Germany invasion of Norway reduced Quisling’s status and means to achieve anything internationally.

HITLER’S DEFENCE OF SCANDINAVIA

Alarmed at the emerging evidence that Britain and France intended to attack Norway, Sweden and Finland, Hitler on December 27 gave explicit orders to prepare comprehensive plans for the defensive occupation, or if too late a strategy to throw the English cuckoo out of the Norwegian nest.

His fears were not groundless. On September 19, 1939 – less than two weeks after his declaration of war against Germany – Winston Churchill, as First Lord of the Admiralty, put forward the suggestion ‘that the British fleet should lay a mine field across the three mile limit in Norwegian territorial waters,’ the intention being to intercept and stop the essential supply of Swedish ore (via Narvik) to Germany. (4)

Churchill went on to bemoan the fact that having made his case the cabinet would not give their consent. ‘The Foreign Office’s argument in favour of respecting Norway’s neutrality was weighty’.

It was not until April 1940 that Churchill got his way. He dismissed any suggestion that Norway would retaliate by pointing out that Great Britain, through trade blockades ‘could bring the whole industry of Norway, centring on Oslo and Bergen, to a complete standstill, in short, Norway, by retaliating against us, would be involved in economic and industrial ruin.’ England’s swashbuckling First Lord contemptuously dismissed suggestions that Germany would retaliate.

Another ‘cunning plan’ of the ever-bellicose Winston was to declare de facto war on Norway, Sweden and Finland. This strategy was drawn up on February 5, 1940 when the Allied Supreme Council of the western powers held a meeting in Paris. There it was agreed to send up to four divisions, camouflaged as volunteers’ (5) to Finland via Norway and Sweden to seize those countries iron-ore assets. The strategy was aborted because of Sweden’s stated determination to resist.

Having been denied his calamitous warlike way Churchill on February 16, 1940 ordered British naval forces to proceed into Norway’s territorial waters and board the German freighter ‘Altmark’, which had prisoners-of-war on board. As Quisling had surmised the Norwegian government turned a blind eye to Churchill’s impudent two-fingered salute to their country’s neutrality.

On April 8 English aggression against Norway proceeded. The Royal Navy began to mine the Scandinavian country’s coastal waters; an act of war that once again blew a gaping hole in solemnly signed declarations.

As the mining of Norway’s ports continued British and French troops were simultaneously being mobilised to invade Norway. Their first objective was to occupy Narvik and to clear the port before advancing to the Swedish frontier. Simultaneously further troops were readied to occupy Stavenger, Bergen and Trondheim’.

HITLER HORRIFIED AT CHURCHILL’S AGGRESSION

At a time when according to corrupt British ‘historians’ England was supposed to be standing alone, Adolf Hitler was hardly alone in being horrified at the English and French invasion of Scandinavia. His country’s legitimate (and crucial) trade links with Finland would be broken in defiance of international law. Furthermore, Hitler was painfully aware that the invasion of his country would quickly follow. ‘The occupation of the Norway by the British would be a strategic turning movement which would lead them into the Baltic, where we have neither troops nor coastal fortifications . . . the enemy would find himself in a position to advance on Berlin and break the backbone of our two fronts.” (6)

Churchill was rather reticent about his criminal disregard for Scandinavia’s neutrality but his French counterpart, the equally belligerent Prime Minister Daladier was more forthright: “Churchill came to Paris,” he explained, “on April 5* 1940 and at last the British government resolved that the mine fields in Norwegian territorial waters would after all be laid. The operation was, however postponed until April 7 so Hitler could learn of it and prepare his counter move. One of the aims of the enterprise was to, entrap the opponent by provoking him into making a landing in Norway. ”

Churchill’s reticence was understandable. Instead of arriving first and drawing the Germans out, the German armed forces reached Norway first and with remarkably few forces prevented the British and French occupation of Norway.

‘Consequently, we were out of the running, and for all that, it was we, who had taken the initiative in the operations,’ admitted France’s Paul Reynard. France’s General Gamelin disconsolately agreed: ‘The intention had been to entrap their opponent (Germany) by provoking him into making a landing in Norway.’ It had gone disastrously wrong, they had been beaten to it by Hitler. Churchill himself reluctantly conceded that ‘The Norwegian government at the time was chiefly concerned with the activities of the British.’

BRITISH TROOPS ROUTED

Undeterred Churchill persisted in his aim to occupy Norway with Trondheim being the obvious choice; there were only 2,000 German troops stationed in the coastal town who would be little match for 13,000 British troops. The British Army was however routed during their encirclement and badly mauled, the remnants were evacuated by May I’*’.

More to save face than from any realistic chance of seizing neutral Sweden’s iron-mines, the British mobilised 20,000 troops and put them ashore at Narvik. Embarrassingly they too were routed by 2,000 Austrian Alpine troops supported by as many sailors again from the German destroyers based at Narvik.

At this stage of the war, Germany, which had so far merely protected its borders against Anglo-French aggression, retaliated against their tormentors. The numerically fewer and more lightly equipped German Army overran France. 338,000 allied troops, mostly British, retreated through northern France, most of whom were rescued on the express orders of the conciliatory Adolf Hitler. Along the Norwegian coastline the remnants of Churchill’s defeated British Army in Norway were simultaneously evicted (evacuated).

Everything that Vidkun Quisling had warned against had turned out precisely as he had predicted; rarely has a country suffered the ignominy of bearing the charge: ‘I told you so.’ Quisling stood vindicated.

Interestingly, the then Norwegian government, like today’s Labour Party activists, were selectively pacifist. Just as in England there are government ministers who once supported the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, Quisling recalled a Norwegian apparatchik sitting on the military committee whilst wearing the ‘broken rifle’ emblem on his lapel. He became the Minister of Defence. Quisling wondered what these ‘warriors’ would do now to defend Norway’s interests.

Even Quisling’s most vociferous opponents agreed on the point of Norway’s lamentable lack of preparation: Major O.H Langeland, a vociferous opponent wrote: ‘Never has a people embarked on a war under a government that was so incompetent, and so totally incapable of understanding the nature of war as the Nygaardsvold government.’ (7)

Such was Norwegian parliamentary party’s incompetence, betrayal and treachery that in order to save their own skins when the post war inquest arrived they had little hesitation in placing the blame on the 100,000 of their fellow countrymen who had joined Quisling’s Nasjonal Samling Party.

NORWEGIAN GOVERNMENT FLEES

Overnight the German armed forces consolidated their hold on Norway and set up a protective coastal cordon to thwart Anglo-French incursions. In Oslo itself the Norwegian authorities had evaporated like spring snow leaving only the police to cope with the invasion.

It was at this stage that a representative of the German government named Scheldt and an old acquaintance, Hagelin, approached Quisling, in his hotel room, the Astoria. The situation was made painfully clear, in a word, resistance was useless and at this stage could only come from guerrilla bands as all defence establishments had surrendered. The obvious was stated; continuation of the conflict would be catastrophic for Norway.

Overall the capitulation was peaceful and uneventful. The city of Oslo surrendered and thousands of curious Norwegians stood calmly along the pavements to witness the surprisingly low-key troop movements. Hitler despised victory celebrations. Knudsen surprised he saw one elderly lady spit in a German soldier’s face. He simply wiped the spittle off with the back of his hand and smiled.

At 1.00 o’clock Quisling completed his walk of contemplation and accompanied by Knudsen and Scheldt set off for the War Office. Once there he was recognised and saluted; he had of course been Norway’s Minister of Defence for two years, in these same offices.

The authorities had vanished; no one knew what had happened and no orders had been given. The General Staff had evacuated during the night. It was later discovered they had ensconced to a small hotel outside Oslo where they had mobilised a hearty breakfast.

Sadly it was not to be partaken. Just as these stalwarts were about to tuck in a German plane came flying over the suburb of HolmenkoUen and the entire general staff ran for their cars and disappeared. They left only their caps, shoulder belts, overcoats, portfolios, and of course their breakfasts.

Back at the War Office it was unanimously agreed ‘that it would be an act of utter insanity to attempt to resist.’

Having secured German agreement to consider the War Office as sacrosanct. Quisling ordered the destruction of all documentation that might aid the German armed forces. He then endeavoured to discover where Norway’s government had gone. He did manage to contact a colonel at Elverum who informed him that the government was on the point of fleeing to Sweden.

Quisling was quite certain that this must be prevented; its government and the authorities could not abandon Norway. In Oslo there were already signs of panic. Vidkun Quisling, ever the pragmatic, took the only available course open to him, an equally realistic decision that was taken during the German occupation of Guernsey and other soft targets.

ENGLAND AND FRANCE THWARTED

The German objective had been reached, the military denial of Norway to their English and French tormentors. It had never been their intention, borne out by events, of bringing bloodshed to their peaceful European neighbour. Furthermore the Germans had no wish whatsoever to interfere in the administration of the land of Norway.

There was anger that the German battleship Blucher had been sunk with heavy loss of life and a feeling for revenge in the form of armed aggression prevailed. This however was prevented on the express orders of Adolf Hitler.

The only remaining political party in Norway, Nasjonal Samling, was invited to administer the country’s affairs. Taking off his jacket Quisling set to work. His first intention was to broadcast a national appeal for calm. His doing so prevented much loss of life.

At 7.32pm Vidkun Quisling made his speech from Oslo’s radio station: ‘Norwegian Men and women! England having violated the neutrality of Norway by laying minefields in Norwegian territorial waters, without encountering any other resistance than the usual flimsy protests from the Nygaardsvold government, the German government has offered the Norwegian government, its help, accompanied by a solemn declaration that Germany will respect our national independence and Norwegian lives and property.

As a reply to this offer, which would provide a solution to the untenable situation in which our country finds itself the Nygaardsvold government has ordered a general mobilisation with the instructions that all Norwegian military forces are to oppose the Germans by armed force.

The government itself has fled, having recklessly gambled with the fate of our country and its inhabitants. Under these circumstances, it is the duty and the right of the national unity movement to take possession of the power of government, in order to vindicate the vital interests of the Norwegian people and the safety and independence of Norway.

By the virtues of circumstance and of the national aims of our movement, we are the only people who can do this and thereby save the country from the desperate situation into which the party politicians have brought our people. The Nygaardsvold government has withdrawn. The national government has assumed power with Vidkun Quisling as head of government and minister for foreign affairs, and with the following other members.’

Quisling then went on to name his government members drawn from a wide spectrum of professional Norwegian life including the armed forces.

‘All Norwegians are hereby called upon to keep the peace of the Realm and to preserve their presence of mind in this difficult situation. By united assertions and the good will of all, we shall bring Norway free and safe through this serious crisis. I add, that with the way the situation has developed, resistance is not merely useless, but directly synonymous with criminal destruction of life and property. Every official and every municipal functionary and particularly all the officers of our country, in the army, navy, coastal artillery and air force, are bound to obey orders from their national government.’

LESS COWARDLY THAN GUERNSEY’S CAPITULATION

Of course, the proclamation acted like a bomb up and down the country. Knudsen described his congratulating Quisling on his new role as Prime Minister of Norway. ‘He smiled – somewhat sadly I thought – and said: ‘It surely is no position to aspire after, Franklin. Let us hope, however, that the Germans understand our objectives.’

Was Quisling the puppet claimed by the vengeful victors? The evidence suggests otherwise. Norway’s new prime minister insisted on considerable autonomy moreso than did for instance the authorities on England’s German-occupied Channel Islands who were never denounced as traitors.

The first sign of Quisling’s independent spirit was shown when Reich Minister Brauer asked Quisling to visit him. The prime minister declined saying that on the contrary; Brauer must come to see him. On this occasion Quisling presented his list of government ministers, rather embarrassingly handwritten on a hotel letter heading. This at least put the lie to the allegation that Nasjonal Samling was part of a pre-arranged plot. If that had been the case then the new government of ministers, some even then in remote regions of the country, would never have been appointed ‘on the hoof. They would have been already appointed and standing in the wings.

It was Quisling who ordered the evacuation of German troops from his country’s parliament, while the illegitimate Nygaardsvold regime (through unconstitutional extension of their mandate) were abandoning their country and people. It was Quisling who by various directives saved many Norwegian lives.

There were amusing incidents. On one occasion Franklin Knudsen, Quisling’s secretary, was required to show his identity card. On showing the officer his passport he was promptly arrested which caused considerable tension. The Germans however did have a point. There in Knudsen’ s passport were the words, ‘Acting British Consul’.

There was amusement all round however when it was revealed that Knudsen who had indeed acted as British Consul, had been dismissed from the post several months earlier. Presumably this was because his father, British vice-Consul for thirty years, was dismissed for disagreeing with Britain’s war aims.

Of Quisling’s role Knudsen was afterwards to say: ‘There was no doubting my mind that Quisling had acted correctly, in order to salvage priceless values. Nothing that has happened subsequently has shaken this belief of mine one jot.’ (8).

The claim that Quisling was Germany’s imposed puppet is also wide of the mark. Whilst the Nasjonal Samling’s leader was indeed Prime Minister, it was Amrsleiter (Head of Department) Scheldt and President of the Board of Trade, Hagelin, who autonomously negotiated with the German authorities.

Quisling’s principal role was to provide responsible civilian rule thus denying the need for military dictatorship. He first aim was to ensure political and social stability and through proper defence to deter British and French aggression. It was assumed that adequate defensive fortifications would be in place prior to German withdrawal and the re-establishment of Norway’s neutral status. Had Quisling been listened to in the years leading up to England’s war against Germany and Scandinavia then of course British and then German invasion would have never occurred.

UNIVERSAL APPROVAL OF QUISLING

The new government earned the guarded approval of industry’s official representatives and ironically, the spontaneous and total support of the trade unions. Prior to their executive committees fleeing the country, Nasjonal Samling had been a thorn in the side of the Socialists but now abandoned by them, Norway’s workers became enthusiastic for their new government.

The press also promised Quisling their support. After a statement to the Oslo Press, the editor in chief of Norway’s equivalent to The Times or New York Times wrote supportively. He said that for many years he had been one of Quisling’s most consistent opponents, but after what had happened, he was convinced that there was only one course open to the nation, and that was the one which Quisling’s new government had made possible.

Every newspaper loyally quoted all the press releases Quisling forwarded. They were not compelled to do so; the new government did not possess the means to compel anyone to do anything against their wishes. In effect whilst Quisling responsibly administered the country’s needs the German authorities, which considered Quisling ‘a bothersome fellow’, merely provided for the country’s defence against England.

Unlike Britain’s whip system of government none of the Quisling government’s ministers or functionaries were coerced; each was given the free choice, to serve or not to do so. It is interesting to note that all functionaries were requested to dispose of all documents that might fall into German hands.

MASS PANIC IN OSLO

Throughout Norway settled a blissful calm except for one tumultuous day when Quisling was alarmed to see mass panic in Oslo. Tens of thousands of people were fleeing for their lives, even hijacking vehicles; anything to reach safety. On that ill-famed aptly named ‘panic day’ tens of thousands spent the freezing night in the woods surrounding Oslo.

The reason? Rumour had it that British warships were lying out in the fjord and were going to bombard Oslo on the stroke of twelve noon. The rumour was likely fuelled by a British broadcast aimed at giving the impression that Britain had allowed the Germans to successfully invade, so that the Royal Navy could blockade and confine Germany’s troops.

Acceptance of their position was universal and largely supportive throughout Norway. Certainly the fleeing Nygaardsvold regime was condemned without exception and in scenes that would undoubtedly have been echoed had England been invaded, the Norwegian people set out to make the best of things.

People, especially those in authority, did everything possible to ingratiate themselves with the Germans, offering assistance and advice. The German legation was actually besieged by Norwegians wishing to assist the Germans and Oslo’s local government were nothing if not enthusiastic in carrying out nightly repairs to the Fornebu airport which was being bombed by Britain’s Royal Air Force. For their part the German authorities kept Quisling informed as to those who were conspiring to oust him. There were several separate and parallel plans to remove Quisling, one of which was to succeed.

THE CONSPIRACY TO OUST QUISLING

Quisling for his part applied himself to getting the country running again. Previously Norway’s industry was disproportionately dependent upon Britain. Overnight entire industries closed down overnight, as did the banks. Thousands of workers found themselves without the means to make a living. Churchill’s boast to bring Norway’s economy to destruction looked certain but was again thwarted by Quisling. With enormous drive and energy he brought Norway’s entire economic and social administration back to work.

Perversely it was Quisling’s independent spirits that lead to his being removed from office. His relationship with minister Brauer had always been abrasive; the Reich’s appointee resented playing second fiddle to Quisling. Furthermore the Germans were great believers in real politic and the more Machiavellian Brauer had succeeded in convincing the German High Command that an alternative government to Quisling’s had been assembled. This Administrasjonsrad would be far more compliant to German demands and furthermore it had the unequivocal support of the King who had refused to recognise the Quisling government. This was a real politik that the Germans could not refuse.

Quisling was furious and in a angry confrontation with the German appointed puppet-president of the newly formed Administrasjonsrad he exclaimed: ‘You have these thirty years been walking about acting patriot and friend of the military defence of Norway, and now it becomes evident that you are willing to take over the government on German terms, which I had rejected in contempt. You have made yourself a vile hostage in the hands of the Wehrmacht. You will be forced to join in the plundering of our people, and when it is finished your new taskmasters will throw you out of office. It will be well deserved.’ Events turned out precisely as Quisling predicted.

Within days it became clear that Norway’s Administrasjonsrad had lied and did not have the King’s blessing and were unable to govern in the way the Germans had wanted. It was immediately dissolved, the occupied Norwegian territories were placed under a Reichskommissar and Norway found itself under direct military rule. The Reich’s new commissar was Terboven and for the first time the Swastika rather than the Norwegian national flag flew over parliament house.

FROM KOMMISSAR TO FOOT SOLDIER

Hitler who had allowed himself to be ill advised by the deceitful Brauer and his fellow conspirators was ruthlessly pragmatic. The hapless German appointee, Brauer, delirious with pride, flew to Berlin on April 16* A week later he was demoted to common soldier and posted to the Western Front. Rumour has it (by 1967) that Brauer had been absorbed into the Soviet apparatus as an advisor to the inspectorate of recruitment.

With less freedom than that enjoyed by the occupied Danes, a freedom likely to have been equalled in Norway had Quisling’s more benign administration not been sabotaged by Brauer, Norway’s infrastructure nevertheless hit the ground running. Industry was accelerating at such a pace that it was afterwards mockingly said that the Norwegians were profiteers by day and patriots during the evening.’

Quisling meanwhile was politically sidelined. Terboven informed him that unless he resigned as leader of Nasjonal Samling it would be declared an illegal organisation. Vidkun Quisling did fly to Berlin, hoping to lay the situation before the Fuhrer, but those who had an interest in maintaining Terboven’ s position prevented the meeting from immediately doing so and Quisling was ‘otherwise occupied’. Resting in a small hotel on the outskirts of Berlin, the days turned into weeks giving Terboven the space needed to consolidate his hold.

HITLER MEETS QUISLING

Finally the meeting with the German leader took place and was to last several hours. There, Quisling was given the opportunity to properly recount events which he did so without throwing Terboven to the wolves. Hitler, understandably upset at Norway’s pre- war treachery that had left his beloved Germany exposed to Baltic invasion, pointed out that Norway had no right to anything ‘after the pro-English policy she had been pursuing.’

The Fuhrer then smiled and added ruefully: ‘It is a strange irony of fate that we should be waging war against the two countries, for which, all my life, I have had the most sympathy, namely, Norway and England.’

Hitler spoke quietly saying that he could not make any changes to the conditions of occupation but would consider, as soon as conditions allowed, Norway’s craving for liberty.’ He also reminded Quisling that if England’s invasion had made occupation inevitable then better for the people of Norway that the occupiers be German rather than English. The Fuhrer had bitter memories of the English as occupiers. To underline his point the Fuhrer added that had it not been for the German occupation the Soviet Union aided by England would have certainly pursued its claim to access to the open sea (Atlantic). The implication was clear; it was hardly in Norway’s interests to be occupied by the Red Army. It was an irresistible argument.

The meeting ended with Quisling being afforded every facility for continuing his work, and working within a Norway enjoying considerable autonomy within a Germanic Europe. The German leader was set in his mind that never again would the offshore prodigal son, England, threaten Europe.

HITLER SALUTES QUISLING’S COURAGE

Unbeknown to the Norwegian patriot the Fuhrer, unaware of his presence in Berlin, sent Quisling a telegram which read: ‘By his many years’ work against world bolshevism, minister Quisling has involved the German people and myself in a debt of gratitude to him, a debt of honour, that will be paid in full both to him personally, and to the Norwegian people that bred him.’

Subsequently Quisling remained on the sidelines in the belief that doing so gave him the best opportunity of engaging and ousting Terboven’s Administrasjonsrad. Adolf Hitler was personally involved in negotiations aimed at providing Norway with a multi-party administration with Nasjonal Samling under Quisling’s leadership making up at least one-quarter of then proposed government. It was the Fuhrer’ s fervent hope that the Norwegian patriot’s track record would quickly make him the dominant figure in Norwegian politics.

Such were the contenders that it was jokingly said that Norway had enough ministers to run Europe.

In the event of the successful formation of Hitler’s choice, the Council of the Kingdom, Quisling’s Nasjonal Samling was accorded one-third of the new parliament’s seats but he himself was not made a member of the government. At least his work for the reconstruction of Norway, though now compromised by the intervening period, could begin.

POSTERITY STANDS IN JUDGEMENT

Posterity, not the vengeful victors will decide on guilt or otherwise. Certainly in the chaos of war and occupation there will be compromise, treachery, acts of cowardice and bravery, brutality, duplicity; all of humanity’s strengths and failings will be evident.

Separated from passion there were many collaborators (not just with the Germans) who were elevated to high position after the war. Equally there were patriots who fought passionately for their country, their race or the combination of both. They gave their lives. In between there were tens of thousands who lived, worked, often enthusiastically, to consolidate the achievements of the Third Reich. Many were building and repairing airfields used by the Luftwaffe to carry on the German war against Norwegian partisans. In such a chaos of torn loyalties are found hypocritical and unjust judicial sentencing.

If any nation and its people are to survive in the face of adversity some persons must take it upon themselves to negotiate, to see to it that there is a minimum of abuse of power. Would it have been any different had England been occupied? It is doubtful. Had those in a position to seek concessions from the Germans done so would they afterwards have been state-murdered for their collaboration in the events of the tide turning? If so, then who shall protect us should England be occupied in the future?

It may be (conveniently) forgotten today in Norway but it was Quisling alone who gained Adolf Hitler’s assurance that after the war Norway’s status as a free and independent nation would be fully restored. In fact, Norway officially was a German province only between his being stood down on April 11* 1940 and the restoration of government in 1942. Norway was delivered with her national integrity intact, due entirely to the efforts of the greatest Viking of all, Vidkun Quisling.

WAS QUISLING A NAZI PUPPET?

Was Vidkun Quisling a National Socialist? Decidedly not for in fact it was his and Knudsen’s almost English (establishment) negative perception of National Socialism that earned them the distrust of Berlin. Those politicians who did replace him were appointed not so much because of their affection for or understanding of Norway but for their affection for the Third Reich and in particular National Socialism.

Quisling had, much to his later regret, always trusted England first and foremost. He was particularly aggrieved when, in the summer of 1940, he was deprived of his order of CBE (Commander of the British Empire). In his biography his secretary emphasised ‘the naked truth’: “Quisling was far more pro-English than pro-German.”

Franklin Knudsen himself was a product of the English public school system. He had also been an Acting British Vice Consul, hardly a role suited to a National Socialist.

As late as 1938 Knudsen had collaborated with the Air Ministry in London. This was in connection with a Norwegian patent for directing torpedoes by the aid of photoelectric cells. It was hardly surprising the Gestapo suspected him of belonging to the British Secret Service.

Essentially the Nasjonal Samling Party was Fascist inclined only inasmuch as it represented a sea change for social improvement, the elimination of class, the provision of conditions amenable to national prosperity, and a sound defensive strategy. As such it was natural that it should be vehemently opposed to Communism but then, virtually every country in Europe had, with varying degrees of success, their own Nasjonal Samling parties.

On May 7, 1945 Norway capitulated and the disintegration proceeded during which time Vidkun Quisling was ordered to present himself and with party members to the police station. He had already spurned an offer to decamp for a neutral country, Spain or South America. He preferred however to stand by his post and to vindicate his actions. A surprising lack of judgement for he must already have known of the vengeful extremes to which his opponents would go.

THE CRUCIFIXION OF A REPUTATION

The campaign to blacken the Norwegian patriot’s reputation began immediately upon his being gaoled. The media that had been on friendly terms with him so recently now denounced him as ‘a drunken decadent bearing all the signs of excess debauchery.’ Pretty good considering Quisling was a tee-totalling non-smoking ascetic. One can only imagine what the same media might say if let loose on the Vatican?

Vidkun Quisling and thousands of other gaoled political hostages was systematically starved with rations as low as 700 calories a day, the normal requirement being 3000 calories daily. In these prisons various diseases ran rampant and neuritis, due to lack of nutrition, was common. Such was Quisling’s physical condition that on at least one occasion the court had to be adjourned because he had difficulty standing.

Quisling’s political activity before the occupation was a mainstay of the prosecution’s case. (Defence evidence was inadmissible) It alleged that he had 1. Furnished Germany with military and political information. 2. That in December 1940 (three months prior to the invasion) he had procured an audience with the Norwegian businessman, Hagelin, Admiral Raeder and Adolf Hitler. 3. That by declaring illegal (which it was) the Norwegian parliament’s extension of itself he had provided himself with a reason to force a coup d’etat.

The rest was equally puerile nonsense. It was charged that Quisling would invite the Germans to occupy Norway as being preferable to being occupied by Britain, that he would incorporate Norway into a Great Germanic League. It was also charged that he had convinced Adolf Hitler in 1939 of the western powers intention to invade Norway. It may have been irrelevant to such a court that it was of course true. Finally he Quisling had charged (again quite correctly) the then illegal Norwegian government with having decided not to hinder an allied invasion of Norway.

Perversely, rarely has a prosecution so successfully managed to turn acts of great patriotism into base treachery.

Denounced as a traitor for offering a defensive solution to an invasion from whatever quarter, for exposing an illegal act (extension of parliament) by a government, warning his country of an enemy’s invasion plans, and denouncing his government for collaborating and acquiescing to England’s planned invasion. That is treachery?

It was never explained why, if it was Quisling’s intention to surrender his country to Germany, why his party alone in the Norwegian parliament, had offered a solution that would guarantee Norway’s continued neutrality. A strange thing to do if one is contemplating surrender to an enemy.

Nor was it ever explained why, if it was Quisling’s intention to surrender to German invasion (caused by England’s invasion) why he had always advocated a strong defensive capability, pushed for a strong national government, for the formation of a British- Norwegian League, and for peace between England and Germany.

‘WHOSOEVER ENTERS HERE, LEAVES HOPE BEHIND’

As in all of the victors’ show trials Quisling was allowed neither defence counsel save one chosen for him by the state, nor defence witnesses or defence evidence. The judge, Eric Solem, was handpicked as a veteran political opponent of the Nasjonal Samling’s leader. He was almost certainly Jewish.

An article in the ‘Aftenposten’ April 18, 1947, says: “It would perhaps not be so strange, if one or other of the worst traitors (landssvikers), who is brought into the court, where Judge Eric Solem is presiding, for a moment recalls to his mind the inscription over the entrance to Dante’s famous hell. ‘Whosoever enters here, leaves hope behind.’

This statement incredibly was written in an article praising ‘hanging judge’ Solem. Afterwards Gustav Smedel, one of Norway’s greatest jurists remarked in references to the sinister appointment of Chief Justice Paul Berg: ‘In a state which recognises equality before the law one cannot accept that one political leader sentences another to death.’ The entire legal apparatus assembled to judge Vidkun Quisling was drawn from his avowed enemies. The Norwegian patriot was inevitably sentenced to death by firing squad.

QUOTABLE QUOTES

October 1, 1938: “Europe is standing on the brink of the greatest tragedy in the history of the human race: a new world war, that may involve the doom of our entire civilisation.” – Vidkun Quisling

June 27, 1936: “Such a war between Great Britain and Germany would be catastrophic for Norway. Norway cannot and will not march, except when our own liberty and our own boundaries are in danger. We therefore demand a strong and unconditional vindication of Norway’s neutrality, and that the neutrality and the peace of the realm be secured through the strengthening of our military defence, quickly and effectively.” – Vidkun Quislin

“We, in Nasjonal Samling, therefore endeavoured to do all in our power to create peace and mutual understanding between these two great kindred peoples. We worked for a union of all Nordic peoples, in a Great Bond of Peace, of Scandinavians, of Britons, Germans and Netherlanders. At the National Congress of Nasjonal Samling in 1936, we made the matter one of the chief points of our policy. However, when the people stood at the crossroads they chose Barabbas.’ – Vidkun Quisling

‘He (Quisling) could never imagine that the Western Powers would be so stupid as to open Europe to the Russian hordes. He regarded Churchill as a practical politician of the greatest stature, a warlord, who was perhaps even more unscrupulous than Hitler, when it was a question of furthering the interests of his country; but that Churchill should be a party to delivering Europe to communism was a shattering disillusionment to Quisling. Churchill had for years been quite as anti-bolshevistic as Quisling or Hitler, and he also was a staunch supporter of the classical English policy on foreign affairs, namely, the balance of power.

If Hitler failed to break the back of bolshevism, there was still the belief that the western Powers would clip its claws, or at least contain it within the old Russian boundaries. The reverse situation meant that the death sentence would be passed on eastern and central Europe, and even Norway would be put into an extremely dangerous position, as a close neighbour of Russia.” – Franklin Knudsen.

“The British were adept at committing atrocities leaving evidence to suggest partisan responsibility. German retaliation often resulted in inflaming tension: “It is sufficient to call to mind how the ‘voice of London’ sparkled with enthusiasm every time it reported new German reprisals, executions and deportations. Then one may say to oneself: In every truth, the Norwegian heroic saga has still unwritten chapters.” – Franklin Knudsen.

“The men of the Nuremberg Court came to an agreement beforehand to bar evidence that might have been awkward for the allies. I am left with the unfortunate feeling that something similar may have happened in connection with the Quisling trial. I do not say that it did happen, but that the trial leaves that impression with one who perhaps possesses certain qualifications for evaluating the facts of the trial.” – Lord Hankey, Politics, Trials and Errors.

THE LAST WORD: “Do not handicap yourself with the idea of revenge, for the trend of things will revenge your wrong not only upon the individuals responsible for your persecution, but on the society that has permitted this lawlessness.” – Vidkun Quisling’s final words to his friends and party members.

AND SO DIED A VIKING


(1) Memoirs of Prime Minister Paul Reynard of France: La France a sauve
L’ Europe.

(2) Winston Churchill, 11th, November, 1938

(3) I Was Quisling’s Secretary, Britons Publishing Company, 1967

(4) The Second World War, vol.2. Winston Churchill

(5) History of the Second World War, Liddell Hart.

(6) History of the Second World War, Liddell Hart

(7) ‘Judge Not’, p.22

(8) I Was Quisling’s Secretary, Britons Publishing Company, 1967

Footnote: H. Franklin Knudsen’s Norwegian father was British Consul in Norway, his grand-uncle the Norwegian Prime Minister and his mother’s father an Englishman. The young Knudsen was privately educated in England at a school ‘frequented by the sons of Ambassadors and Viceroys.’


A video-slide-show in honour of Vidkun Quisling: